The Effect of International Involvement Across the State Sovereignty Spectrum

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Dana El Kurd

This chapter demonstrates the generalizability of the overall theory of international involvement and its societal effects. It looks at the case of Iraqi Kurdistan and Bahrain, both of which lie further on the spectrum of state sovereignty. The chapter examines the role of international involvement, particularly American involvement, in the development and trajectories of these additional cases and provide evidence of the theory's empirical implications outside of Palestine.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
Aleksey L. Bredikhin ◽  
◽  
Evgeniy D. Protsenko ◽  

In this article, the authors analyze the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2020, with a view to their influence on the state of Russian sovereignty and note that the topic of sovereignty is central to these amendments. Researchers conclude that the amendments constitute, first and foremost, the strengthening of the sovereignty of the Russian Federation, the autonomy of state jurisdiction, and the increasing status and role of Russia in the world political system.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREAS FOLLESDAL

AbstractThis paper explores subsidiarity as a constitutional principle in international law. Some authors have appealed to a principle of subsidiarity in order to defend the legitimacy of several striking features of international law, such as the centrality of state consent, the leeway in assessing state compliance and weak sanctions in its absence. The article presents such defences of state-centric aspects of international law by appeals to subsidiarity, and finds them wanting. Different interpretations of subsidiarity have strikingly different institutional implications regarding the objectives of the polity, the domain and role of subunits, and the allocation of authority to apply the principle of subsidiarity itself. Five different interpretations are explored, drawn from Althusius, the US federalists, Pope Leo XIII, and others. One upshot is that the principle of subsidiarity cannot provide normative legitimacy to the state-centric aspects of current international law on its own. It stands in need of substantial interpretation. The versions of subsidiarity that match current practices of public international law are questionable. Many crucial aspects of our legal order must be reconsidered – in particular the standing and scope of state sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Endang Puji Lestari Puji Lestari

<p>Perkembangan di dunia penerbangan terhadap prinsip kedaulatan negara di ruang udara yang bersifat complete and exclusive kini telah terkikis oleh berbagai perjanjian internasional di bidang penerbangan yang dibuat oleh negara-negara dewasa ini seperti perjanjian perdagangan jasa pesawat penerbangan baik yang berbentuk multilateral seperti WTO, Regional seperti ASEAN maupun bilateral. Tulisan ini mengidentifikasi dua permasalahan yaitu: pertama, bagaimanakah konsep kedaulatan negara atas ruang udara yang bersifat complete dan exclusive dalam hukum internasional diimplementasi dalam peraturan perundang-undangan nasional Indonesia melalui hak penguasaan negara? kedua, bagaimana konsep hukum yang tepat yang dapat mengharmoniskan kepentingan kedaulatan negara melalui hak pengusaan negara di tengah liberalisasi perdagangan jasa penerbangan? Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah merupakan jenis penelitian hukum normatif. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa: pertama, terjadi pergeseran makna kedaulatan negara dalam penguasaan wilayah udara dari penguasaan yang ekslusif dan lengkap menjadi terbatas karena adanya liberalisasi perdagangan dunia penerbangan. Kedua, rekonseptualisasi peran pemerintah dalam hal penguasaan negara atas ruang udara sebagai sumber daya strategis adalah pergeseran peranan pemerintah dari sebagai penonton saja menjadi fasilitator dan regulator yang berperan besar dalam meningkatkan daya saing dunia penerbangan nasional. Penelitian ini menyarankan peranan pemerintah dalam meningkatkan daya saing dunia penerbangan adalah melalui: menciptakan peraturan perundang- undangan yang menjamin adanya kepastian hukum, reformasi birokrasi di bidang penerbangan, penyediaan infrastruktur penerbangan, peningkatan kualitas SDM di bidang penerbangan, dan penegakan hukum yang konsisten.</p><p>The development in the aviation world on the principle of state sovereignty in air space that is both complete and exclusive have now been eroded by various international treaties in the field of airflight made by countries today as a trading treaty services of an aircraft in flight, both multilateral treaty like WTO, and regional treaty such as ASEAN or bilateral treaty. This articles identify two problems, first, how is state sovereignty concept over air space that is exclusive and complete under international law can be implemented in the Indonesia’s law and regulation through State Right Sovereignty over Airspace, second, how is the legal concept that can harmonize sovereignty interest through the State Right of Sovereignty over Airspace under liberalization regime? The methods of this research are normative resecarh approach. The result of this research shown that: Firstly, there is a shift in the meaning of State Sovereignty over its airspace from the complete and exclusive control and be limited because of the trade liberalisation of aviation world. Secondly, role re-conceptualitation of the government regarding the state sovereignty over its air space as a source of strategic power from the role of the government as a spectator to a facilatator and regulator with a major role in increasing the competitiveness of national flight. This research suggested that the role of the government in increasing the competitiveness of the national flight can be done by: creating the law and regulation that guarantee the legal certainty, bureaucracy reform in the field of flight, providing infrastructure flight, increasing the quality of human resources in the field of flight, and law enforcement that are consistent.</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana Zhidkova

AbstractThis study examines the impact of globalization on the emergence of human trafficking as a transnational security threat. The author discusses the relationship between globalization and violent non-state actors (VNSAs), seeing human trafficking as one of VNSAs threatening the state in the age of globalization. The erosion of state sovereignty and emergence of transnational organized crime are analyzed in an attempt to understand the role of globalization in transforming human trafficking into a transnational challenge.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-165
Author(s):  
Lara Mullins

This paper discusses the legal ramifications of reservations to multilateral human rights treaties. It examines the approach of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), compared to that of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), in light of the general practice in international law relating to reservations and the International Law Commission’s commentary. The paper then discusses the scope for change and growth, given the nature of the two different approaches. Once it has set out the current law it describes the role of the evolving moral, social and political climate in society and the effect that it has on the conversation around human rights and treaty reservations. It answers three main questions around reservations: first, whether reservations are allowed; second, the conditions under which they are allowed; and third, if reservations are not allowed, whether the invalid reservation cancels a party’s membership of the treaty. Having answered these three questions, the paper draws to the conclusion that, ultimately, for international law to continue to be effective, state sovereignty must be given the utmost respect and importance in relation to reservations. With the current polarisation of the political climate, as is evidenced by the traditionally liberal states’ leaning towards conservative values, as in Britain and the United States, a push by the ECtHR to sever reservations from treaties and still bind the state will only alienate key players from the international stage. At face value, one may be inclined to think that the stringent protection of human rights values and limiting the reservations to such values is beneficial but, in reality, this would make participation in the international framework unappealing to states as their sovereignty would be infringed. Therefore, the ICJ’s approach is advantageous as it understands the role of reservations in achieving participation and it also understands the state practice element. Thus, in line with the ILC commentary and the ICJ’s judgements, the ECtHR’s recent rulings will not become the international law norm and state sovereignty with respect to reservations will continue to prevail.


2019 ◽  
pp. 24-49
Author(s):  
Ċetta Mainwaring

This chapter sets out the conceptual building blocks for the book and develops the idea of migrant agency, situating it within the relevant literature. I argue that power, politics, and people are significant and often neglected elements of migration governance processes. Ignoring their role in migration governance contributes to the unremitting promotion of the migration management paradigm. In contrast, this book examines the interplay of actors, practices, and discourses within the realm of migration governance. Here, political power is often drawn from constructed crises based on a discourse of exceptionalism and sovereignty. Migrants are framed as symptomatic of globalization’s attack on state sovereignty and constructed as victims or villains. The chapter argues that the managed migration paradigm depends on the construction of a migration crisis to which the policy ostensibly responds. Such migration ‘crises’ obscure the complicity of the state in the production of vulnerability, marginalization, violence, and death through its border regimes, and reify the power of the state to control migration, despite paradoxically being promoted based on imagery of the state as overwhelmed. To complete this sleight of hand, policy discussions on migration governance ignore the role of migrants themselves, reinforcing the orientalist logic and assumptions that migrants are objects to be governed, not subjects who engage in decision-making, resist, and ultimately constitute international relations. Within the context of Europe, the chapter demonstrates how the emphasis on migration control at the EU’s external border results from constructed crises in the Mediterranean.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-130
Author(s):  
Daniel Solescu

Abstract Globalization has raised the issue of the place and role of the nation state in the world market. The effects of globalization have resulted in the joint effort of some State’s sovereign powers, quite exclusive until recently, which leads to reconsider the concept of state sovereignty, tasks, functions and objectives of the state. Globalization involves reducing the state intervention in the economic matters, but it does not imply the disappearance of the state concept. The integration in the transnational economy necessarily implies the weakening of the nation-state authority, since it must make room for the independent actors.


2019 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Asma Batool

Historically Pakistan's relations with Saudi Arab have been concerted and coordinated on the basis of calculated strategy, except for the few exceptions. Pakistan had maintained friendly ties with Saudi Arab but with time Saudi Arab started playing more assertive role in relation to Pakistan. Since inception Pakistan tends to look towards the Saudi Arab due to cultural orientation of its public. The unprecedented transition in paradigm of Pak-Saudi relations came when Saudi Arab assumed the role of major economic aid donor. Today, the role of Pakistan can be described as 'shatter belt' vis-à-vis major powers. Pakistani an attempt to pull itself out of Western influence relied on Saudi Aid which resulted in explicit dictation of Saudi Arab.The internal weakness of Pakistan extended the opportunity for accepting external pressure which compromised the sovereignty of state directly and placed Pakistan in compliant position in relation to Saudi Arab. This paper will divulge the unique relations of Saudi Arab and Pakistan by dissecting the dimensions of Saudi Arab's political, economic and cultural influence on Pakistan. It will also illume the Saudi hegemonic policies in which Pakistan adjusts and influenced to revise its own policy choices. This paper will dwell on the way forward in Pak-Saudi relations in order to restore balance and maintain sovereignty of the state.


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