US Exceptionalism

Author(s):  
Paul Gifford

It has been widely accepted that the secularization thesis is wrong because the most modern of all societies, the modern United States, remains profoundly religious. This chapter argues the US is not more substantially religious than Europe, and the Evangelical Revival and the American New Age or counterculture are better understood as cultural and political movements; they are religious only according to a very loose definition of religion. American religion has become a part of American capitalist society. The widespread prosperity gospel is better understood as inculcating the American dream of victory and achievement in the capitalist system. Many churches are thus effectively reduced to preaching motivation, self-help and fulfillment of potential. Christian universities illustrate the triumph of the modern scientific mindset, for the great majority have lost all but the most rudimentary reference to their original denominational supernaturalism in adopting the this-worldly cognitive style. The religion of President Obama is used to further illustrate the internal secularization of America’s Christianity.

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 861-862
Author(s):  
Eric M. Trinka

In this nuanced ethnography of Latinx migrants in the United States, Tony Tian-Ren Lin presents a thick description of those drawn to Prosperity Gospel Pentecostalism (PGP). The monograph opens with thorough yet concise introductions to the origins of the PGP movement in the US and its contours among Latinx communities. Readers are given a crash course in the primary assumptions and patterns of praxis espoused by PGP adherents, which are oriented around the formulaic pursuit of blessing via a combination of faith and action.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia Bondaruk

The US foreign policy serves as an example for other countries, as it is one of the most developed countries in the world. For a better understanding of the features of contemporary foreign policy, the preconditions for its formation are determined. The history of the United States of America has been analyzed, which has inevitably influenced the formation of its current foreign policy and geostrategy. The political system of the country is defined as one of the direct factors influencing the formation of foreign policy. It is revealed that the very political preconditions create the legal basis for the existence and development of foreign policy, and therefore their study is very important for a deeper understanding of the vectors, principles and means of implementing the modern foreign policy of any state, namely, the United States. The internal economic situation, structure and development of the country’s economy, as well as problems and challenges on the way to the development of the national economy that are directly relevant for defining the functions, priorities and directions of foreign policy are considered. After all, it is the economy that is one of the most important factors shaping the foreign economic strategy of the state, which is an important factor in the formation of foreign economic relations and politics in general. It is proved that the geopolitical situation is the main factor for the definition of foreign policy vectors of the state. The geographic and geopolitical location of the state, in this case, the United States, defines the directions and vectors of the foreign policy of the state. The article explores all the factors and preconditions for the formation of US foreign policy during the presidency of Bill Clinton and his predecessors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abigail Vlasak

Organic farming practices produce foods that avoid manufactured fertilizers, pesticides, growth regulators (GMOs), and livestock additives. The definition of what is considered organic in the United States is that 95 percent of the ingredient list must be free of synthetic additives and must not be processed using industrial solvents. The goal of the study was to compare organic labeling and certification between the United States and Denmark. The hypothesis is that labeling and regulation will be similar because the food economy is built on a global scale.   Researching organic labeling was required in both the United States and Denmark. A study of one food item from each section of the US food pyramid was completed. Then, labeling data was collected in both Danish and American grocery stores. The work required visiting three grocery stores in both countries. The results were organic labeling requirements are different in the US and Denmark. Denmark has a much more stringent level of organic certification, store labels of studied products confirm these differences. The study demonstrated that organic labeling, is very complicated in both the US and Denmark, and there is not a common standard of organic labeling and certification between these two countries.


Author(s):  
Frances Thomson

Mainstream discourses tend to treat land dispossession as a ‘developing’ country problem that arises due to weak/corrupt legal systems and inadequate property institutions. This article unsettles such discourses by examining expropriations for economic ‘development’ in the United States —a country typically deemed to have strong property institutions and a strong rule of law. Drawing on various examples, I propose that expropriation in the us is neither rigorously conditional nor particularly exceptional. While most ‘takings’ laws are supposed to restrict the State’s power, this restriction hinges on the definition of public use, purpose, necessity, or interest. And in many countries, including the us, these concepts are now defined broadly and vaguely so as to include private for-profit projects. Ultimately, the contents, interpretation, and application of the law are subject to social and political struggles; this point is habitually overlooked in the rule of law ‘solutions’ to land grabbing—. For these reasons, titling/registration programs and policies aimed at strengthening the rule of law, even if successful, are likely to transform rather than ‘solve’ dispossession in the global South.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 269-269
Author(s):  
Lauren Parker ◽  
Manka Nkimbeng

Abstract Despite the projected rise in the diversity of caregivers and caregiving in the US, the health system is not prepared to accommodate this growth. Interventions and supports often are not adequately tailored to meet the cultural needs of older adults. Additionally, the limited interventions available for racial/ethnic minority populations frequently fail to capture and report culturally tailored perspectives. Therefore, the purpose of this presentation is to describe how culture influences caregiving in the US. Specifically, it will: (1) provide a contemporary definition of culture; (2) identify cultural domains that impact caregiving; (3) offer examples of how caregiving is influenced by different cultural/demographic backgrounds; (4) provide examples of culturally tailored caregiving programs, and (5) discuss how to approach cultural needs that may not be addressed by current interventions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (5) ◽  
pp. 1253-1279
Author(s):  
Simon Reich ◽  
Peter Dombrowski

Abstract Deliberations over the COVID-19 pandemic's long-term effects on the global balance of power have spurred a large and rancorous debate, including speculation about a shift in the definition of national security and prescriptions about where it should focus. That argument will no doubt continue. But we argue that one consequence is already evident: the United States has spent the last seventy years portraying itself as a security provider in all key domains—for many an intrinsic component of its status as a global leader. One reasonable broad conclusion from the US struggle with COVID-19 is that it has further forfeited its broad leadership position on the basis of its behaviour. Yet that, although possibly true, would only portray one element of the story. The more profound insight exposed by COVID-19 is of a new reality: in a world where both naturogenic and anthropogenic threats pose immense national security challenges, decades of mistaken assumptions and policy choices have created a new environment, one where the United States has been redefined as a security consumer, at least in terms of international public health issues associated with the spread of deadly infectious diseases.


2020 ◽  
Vol 172 ◽  
pp. 16006
Author(s):  
Ligia Moga ◽  
Marcel Maghiar

The building sector represents on a worldwide level, one of the larger energy consumers that should reduce its negative impact on the exterior environment. On a European level there are several directives that promote the transition to a decarbonized building sector that can be achieved by promoting the design and energy retrofit activity into nearly Zero Energy Building. The 2020 Climate and Energy Package, the 2030 Climate and Energy Framework and the 2050 Long-Term Strategy have the same goal, of cutting greenhouse gas emissions to admissible levels. In the United States the US Department of Energy alongside with the National Institute of Building Sciences set several targets for the development of a very energy efficient building stock. Thus, the paper offers an overview of the energy legislation implementation in European countries and in the United States, with a focus on identifying similarities and differences between the two regions. The first focus of the paper is on technical or legislative aspects identified in Europe and the United States in promoting nZEBs. Second, the definition of nZEB and its progress will be discussed and third several case studies will be discussed with the aim of identifying key points in achieving nZEB levels.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Esposito

Traditional societies were defined by a prevalence of the past in the definition of the present. United States (US) society seems to show the opposite trend: the present is defined as the preparation of the future. Financial temporality can be seen as an example of the present use of the future, transforming future possibilities into available wealth. As the financial crisis has shown, however, the temporality of the future is more complex and circular. This article deals with quantitative easing (QE) as a financial instrument with an essentially temporal nature (in the sense that it uses time and acts on the future and on expectations). The success of QE in the US economy reveals essential aspects of US temporality, but also raises questions as to how it may differ from European temporality. The analysis of QE measures and their impact also offers ways to assess whether and by which means politics can intervene into finance, as well as what consequences and uncertainties are created in the process.


Author(s):  
Kalamu Ya Salaam ◽  
Jerry W. Ward Jr.

Salaam: We might call this the Sankofa Dialogue because we are looking back in order to orient ourselves as we move forward. Approximately eight years ago, in 2008, there was a great brouhaha and hope because of the upcoming election for the US presidency. For the first time in the history of the United States, a Black man—and it’s befitting that he was truly an African American—was running for office. We don’t generally have such pivotal moments in history, either as individuals or as a people.Ward: But I would suggest that in the closing months of the second term of President Obama, we had a devastatingly pivotal moment. As we scrutinize the behavior of Donald Trump, we ought also to be concerned about what is driving people who, under other circumstances, might have hesitated to elect a clown. Those voters were so full of disgust, disappointment, and dismay that they saw Trump as the Great White Hope. Many of the voters wanted a president who might restore the bogus privileges of “white superiority.”Salaam: I concur, but I would broaden the dialog a bit. I think this historic moment, this turning point, comes at a critical moment in what defines what it means to be American. I don’t think there’s a post-Obama era as such. I think Obama was just part of this era where we are grappling with what it means to be an American now that it no longer means what it has meant from the beginning of the United States up until Obama. We’re still struggling with that. What we see right now is a repetition of what happened at the closing of, and in the immediate follow-up to, the Civil War in terms of the identity questions that were being raised.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Marie Akou

Since their invention in the 1930s, t-shirts have become one of the most common styles of casual clothing in the United States ‐ worn by all ages, genders and social classes. Although ‘graphic’ t-shirts have existed for decades, twenty-first-century technologies have made them much faster and easier to produce. Students protesting the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s wore black armbands and grew their hair long; today, students (and activists of all ages) are more likely to wear political t-shirts. In a time when anyone with modest computer skills can design a graphic and get t-shirts professionally printed and shipped in just two or three days, this medium for self- and group-expression is well-suited to the turbulence of politics. This article explores the recent history of political t-shirts in the United States in two parts. The first focuses on legislation and legal rulings, including a case heard by the US Supreme Court in 2018 regarding whether activists can wear political t-shirts in polling places (a space where any kind of campaign activity is generally forbidden). The second part explores the definition of a ‘political’ t-shirt. This section is grounded in a study of t-shirts that are currently turning up in thrift shops in Bloomington, IN ‐ a small, politically active community in a conservative state that voted for Obama in 2008 and then Trump in 2016.


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