Freedman in Rio de Janeiro

2019 ◽  
pp. 40-50
Author(s):  
João José Reis ◽  
Flávio dos Santos Gomes ◽  
Marcus J. M. de Carvalho ◽  
H. Sabrina Gledhill

When Rufino arrives, Rio de Janeiro is an African Tower of Babel. More than 600,000 Africans landed there between 1801 and 1830, many of whom stayed in the city. Less than 6 percent had come from West Africa, like Rufino. Central Africans comprised more than 80 percent and Mozambicans, 15 percent. Although they were a minority, West Africans controlled a large portion of the street labor market. Most worked as porters and vendors, the majority of the latter being women. In Rio de Janeiro, Rufino gets acquainted with the slave trade and may have realized that he could find protection and earn a living by working in that business.

2019 ◽  
pp. 51-60
Author(s):  
João José Reis ◽  
Flávio dos Santos Gomes ◽  
Marcus J. M. de Carvalho ◽  
H. Sabrina Gledhill

Rufino arrives in Rio de Janeiro between the last months of 1835 and the first days of 1836, one year after the great Muslim slave rebellion in Salvador. As a result, African Muslims became a main targets of police authorities in Rio de Janeiro, for some of the rebels had been sold, if slaves, or migrated, if freedpersons, to the capital of the Brazilian empire. Throughout the 1830s there were rumors and fear of slave rebellions. Marronage in the suburbs, slave flights, and resistance were rampant. The city and its hinterland were under heavy police surveillance. West Africans, like Rufino, were closely watched.


Author(s):  
Hamadou Adama

Ahmed Bâba (1556–1627) was among the most prolific and the most celebrated of Timbuktu scholars of the 16th and 17th centuries. During his childhood he was educated and trained in Arabic law and Islamic sciences by his father, Ahmad, and other relatives. His principal teacher, the man he named the regenerator (al-mujaddid), was the Juula scholar Mohammed Baghayogho al-Wangarî, whose teaching he followed for more than ten years. Following the Moroccan occupation of Timbuktu in 1591, he was exiled to Marrakesh in 1594 and jailed for two years before he was released but obliged to remain in the city for many years. He was widely known both for his teaching and for the fatwas (legal opinions) he issued. He was offered administrative positions but declined them all in favor of teaching. In 1608, he was permitted to return to his hometown, Timbuktu, where he continued to write and teach until his death in 1627, but he held no public office there. His special field of competence was jurisprudence. He was also recognized for his abilities in hadith and wrote several works on Arabic grammar. He is probably best known for his biographical compendium of Mâlikî (founded by Malik ibn Anas died A.D. 795 is orthodox school of Muslim jurisprudence predominating in Sudanic Africa and the Maghreb) scholars, Nayl al-Ibtihâj bi tadrîs ad-dibâdj, a valuable supplement for the Western Islamic world to Ibn Farhûn’s ad-Dibâj al-Mudhahhab. His work specifically addresses issues relating to the significance of racial and ethnic categories as factors in the justification of enslavement. In the Bilâd as-Sûdân, Ahmed Bâba influenced the debate over slavery by relying on interpretations of Islamic precedent, which was invoked to protect freeborn individuals from enslavement. By extension, he impacted the transatlantic slave trade on the basis of religious identification with Islam and the desire to avoid the sale of slaves to non-Muslims, especially Christian Europeans on the coast of West Africa.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 422-441
Author(s):  
Cátia Antunes ◽  
Filipa Ribeiro da Silva

In 2008, Pierre Gervais contended that social and economic developments in the Atlantic were to be ascribed to an overwhelming European intervention in West Africa and the Americas. This article questions Gervais’s assumption by stressing how Europeans, West Africans and Americans – individuals and states – mutually influenced urban hierarchies and distributive hubs across three different continents, while arguing that these interactions and interconnections should be seen within a context of entangled histories. This contribution re-examines the Dutch experience of slave trade and shipping to assess the extent to which slave trading and shipping activities influenced port hierarchies in Europe, determined the organization of port hubs in West Africa and helped develop port structures in the Americas. This assessment is anchored in the data provided by the Transatlantic Slave Trade Database, the collections of the Dutch West India Company and the Middleburg Commercial Company, and the notarial archives of Amsterdam and Rotterdam.


This chapter presents the involvement of Liverpool in the slave trade. As the European port most involved in slaving during the eighteenth century, much of Liverpool’s prosperity was due to the trade, which meant that there was no part of the whole port of Liverpool that went untouched by slavery. This chapter outlines the role of the city and its citizens in the slave trade by offering a breakdown of slavery records in the form of registers and archives that detail Liverpool slaving vessels and its masters and owners. It also discusses the effects of abolition and Liverpool’s subsequent trade with West Africa and America.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Verônica C. Araujo ◽  
Christina M. B. Lima ◽  
Eduarda N. B. Barbosa ◽  
Flávia P. Furtado ◽  
Helenice Charchat-Fichman

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (45) ◽  
pp. 118-122
Author(s):  
Victor Paes Dias Gonçalves ◽  
Hugo Leonardo Matias Nahmias ◽  
Marcus Menezes Alves Azevedo

Among contact sports, the practice of martial arts offers a greater risk of causing dental trauma and fractures as contact with the face is more frequent. The primary objective of the research is to evaluate the incidence of mouthguard use, and the secondary objective is to verify which type has a greater predominance and the difficulties in its use correlating to the type of mouthguard used. A documentary study was carried out with 273 athletes of different contact sports, among them: MMA, Boxing, Muay Thai, Jiu-Jitsu, and Taekwondo of the city of Campos dos Goytacazes, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It was concluded that the most commonly used mouthguard is PB Boils and Bites - Type II and its level of approval is poor, interfering with the athletes’ performance, mainly in relation to the breathing factor.


1975 ◽  
Vol 15 (59) ◽  
pp. 381-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert S. Klein ◽  
Stanley L. Engerman

GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Ângelo Ribeiro

O objetivo que permeia a presente pesquisa é utilizar a Fortaleza de Santa Cruz, localizada no bairro de Jurujuba, em Niterói, construída em 1555, na entrada da barra da Baía de Guanabara, como foco de antílise, ressaltando a importância deste fixo social enquanto atração turística e de lazer, incluindo a cidade de Niterói no circuito destas atividades, complementares à cidade do Rio de Janeiro; além de abordar conceitos e categorias analíticas, oriundos das ciências sociais, principalmente provenientes da Geografia, pertinentes ao estudo das atividades em tela. Neste contexto, na dinâmica espacial da cidade de Niterói, o processo de mudança de função dos fixos sociais têm sido extraordinário. Residencias unifamiliares, prédios e até mesmo fortificações militares, verdadeiras monumentalidades, foram refuncionalizadas, passando por um processo de turistificação. Assim, a refuncionalização da respectiva Fortaleza em espaço cultural toma-se um importante atrativo da história, do patrimônio, da cultura, marcando no espaço urbano sua expressões e monumentalidade, criada pelo homem como símbolo de seus ideais, objetivos e atos, constituindo-se em um legado as gerações futuras, formando um elo entre passado, presente e futuro. Abstract This paper focuses on Santa Cruz Fortress, built in 1555 in Jurujuba (Niterói), to guard the entrance of Guanabara bay, and stresses its role as a towist attraction and leisure' area, as a social fix which links the city of Niterói to the complementary circuit of these activities in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The study uses important concepts and analytic categories fiom social sciences, particularly fiom Geography.In the spatial dynamic of the city of Niterói, change in functions of social fuces has been extraordinary. Single-family dwellings, buildings and even military installations have been re-functionalized, undergoing a process of touristification. In that way, the refunctionalization of the Fortress as a cultural space provides an important attraction in the domains of history, patrimony, and culture, providing the urban space with an expression of monumentality, created by man as a symbol of his ideals, aims and actions, a legacy to future generations forming a link between past, present and future.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márcio Piñon de Oliveira

A utopia do direito à cidade,  no  caso específico do Rio de Janeiro, começa, obrigatoriamente, pela  superação da visão dicotômica favela-cidade. Para isso, é preciso que os moradores da favela possam sentir-se tão cidadãos quanto os que têm moradias fora das favelas. A utopia do direito à cidade tem de levar a favela a própria utopia da cidade. Uma cidade que não se fragmente em oposições asfalto-favela, norte-sul, praia-subúrbio e onde todos tenham direito ao(s) seu(s) centro(s). Oposições que expressam muito mais do que diferenças de  localização e que  se apresentam recheadas de  segregação, estereótipos e  ideologias. Por outro  lado, o direito a cidade, como possibilidade histórica, não pode ser pensado exclusivamente a partir da  favela. Mas as populações  que aí habitam guardam uma contribuição inestimável para  a  construção prática  desse direito. Isso porque,  das  experiências vividas, emergem aprendizados e frutificam esperanças e soluções. Para que a favela seja pólo de um desejo que impulsione a busca do direito a cidade, é necessário que ela  se  pense como  parte da história da própria cidade  e sua transformação  em metrópole.Abstract The right  to the city's  utopy  specifically  in Rio de Janeiro, begins by surpassing  the dichotomy approach between favela and the city. For this purpose, it is necessary, for the favela dwellers, the feeling of citizens as well as those with home outside the favelas. The right to the city's utopy must bring to the favela  the utopy to the city in itself- a non-fragmented city in terms of oppositions like "asphalt"-favela, north-south, beach-suburb and where everybody has right to their center(s). These oppositions express much more the differences of location and present  themselves full of segregation, stereotypes and ideologies. On  the other  hand, the right to  the city, as historical possibility, can not be thought  just from the favela. People that live there have a contribution for a practical construction of this right. 


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