Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 214-230
Author(s):  
Stefanos Katsikas

The conclusion draws on the analysis in previous chapters to address some theoretical questions about nation-state formation and communal diversity. What was the role of religion in the formation of individual and collective identity, and to what extent was loyalty to one’s faith also a function of the institutional framework that supported it? To what extent did the institutional framework for administering the Muslim population of Greece—which became a template in other Eastern Orthodox Balkan states—succeeded in protecting the Muslims’ cultural uniqueness from assimilation? How did this framework frame Muslim relations with the Greek state, ethnic Greeks, and other ethnic and religious groups in the country? Given that it has been often suggested that aspects of sharia be adopted by European states with Muslim migrants in order to secure fair and equal treatment for them by the states, what lessons can we draw from the Greek case?

Author(s):  
Stefanos Katsikas

Drawing from a wide range of primary archival and secondary Greek, Bulgarian, and Turkish sources, the book explores the way the Muslim populations of Greece were ruled by state authorities from Greece’s political emancipation from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s up to the country’s entrance into World War II, in October 1940. In particular, the book examines how state rule influenced the development of the Muslim populations’ collective identity as a minority and how it affected Muslim relations with the Greek authorities, Greek Orthodox Christians, and other ethnic and religious groups. Greece was the first country to become an independent state in the Balkans and a pioneer in experimenting with minority issues. With regards to its Muslim populations, Greece’s ruling framework, and many of the country’s state administrative measures and patterns were to serve as a template at a later stage in other Christian Orthodox Balkan states with Muslim minorities (e.g., Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Cyprus): Muslim religious officials were empowered with authorities they did not have in Ottoman times, and aspects of Islamic law (sharia) were incorporated into the state legal system to be used for Muslim family and property affairs. The book shows that these and any policies can be ambivalent and cannot be a guide to present-day solutions. It also argues that religion remained a defining element and that religious nationalism and public institutions played an important role in the development of religious and ethnic identity.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kunalan Manokara ◽  
Albert Lee ◽  
Shanmukh Vasant Kamble ◽  
Eva Krumhuber

Whilst previous work demonstrated that animals are categorized based on their edibility, little research has systematically evaluated the role of religion in the perception of animal edibility, particularly when specific animals are deemed sacred in a religion. In two studies, we explored a key psychological mechanism through which sacred animals are deemed inedible by members of a faith: mind attribution. In Study 1, non-vegetarian Hindus in Singapore (N = 70) evaluated 19 animals that differed in terms of their sacredness and edibility. Results showed that participants categorized animals into three groups: holy animals (high sacredness but low edibility), food animals (low sacredness but high edibility) and neutral animals (low sacredness and low edibility). Holy animals were deemed to possess greater mental life compared to other animal categories. In Study 2, we replicated this key finding with Hindus in India (N = 100), and further demonstrated that the observed pattern of results was specific to Hindus but not Muslims (N = 90). In both studies, mind attribution mediated the negative association between sacredness and edibility. Our findings illustrate how religious groups diverge in animal perception, thereby highlighting the role of mind attribution as a crucial link between sacredness and edibility.


Author(s):  
James W. Warhola

Russian Orthodox Christianity has served as a major if not principal taproot of Russian culture, and has done so in varying forms and to varying degrees since the formal adoption of the Eastern Orthodox rites as official religion by Prince Vladimir of the Kievan Rus' in June of 988 A.D.1 The specific role of Russian Orthodoxy in the governance of Russia has been closely investigated.2 In addition, the political role of religion, particularly Russian Orthodoxy, during the Soviet era has been the subject of close scholarly examination.3 This paper focuses on the changing role of Orthodoxy under current conditions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
O.E. Khukhlaev ◽  
E.A. Аlexandrova

The article contains an overview of modern approaches to the question of whether beliefs, specifically religious relations, practices or religious groups are the cause of intergroup conflict. The considered key arguments «for» and «against» the decisive role of religion in the intergroup opposition that is related to the religious factor do not allow drawing definite conclusions. Studies show that the role of a key variable in the structure of interreligious hostility - religious fundamentalism – is extremely ambiguous and strongly depends on the characteristics of the situation (for example, the nature of priming with religious texts), and on the cultural context. The specificity of micro and macro levels in a particular situation can lead to both – an increase and a leveling out of the «religion-specific» factor in intergroup opposition.


Author(s):  
Marios Koukounaras Liagkis

This study is an attempt to address the issue of religion in the public sphere and secularism. Since the Eastern Orthodox Church has been established by the Greek constitution (1975) as the prevailing religion of Greece, there are elements of legal agreements- which inevitably spawn interactions- between state and Church in different areas. One such area is Religious Education. This article focuses on Religious Education (RE) in Greece which is a compulsory school subject and on two important interventions that highlight the interplay between religion, politics and education: firstly the new Curriculum for RE (2011) and secondly the introduction of an Islamic RE (2014) in a Greek region (Thrace) where Christians and Muslims have lived together for more than four centuries. The researches are based on fieldwork research and they attempt to open the discussion on the role of RE in a secular education system and its potential for coexistence and social cohesion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Stefanos Katsikas

This chapter explores the conditions leading to the emergence, development, and outcome of the Greek War of Independence (1821–1832). It analyzes the role of Eastern Orthodox Christianity as a mobilizing factor against the Ottomans among the Christian Orthodox during the war. The war paved the way for Greek Orthodoxy to become the dominant religion, legally, of the newly established Kingdom of Greece in 1832, which was officially called the Kingdom of Hellas. Islam and Muslim communities were regarded as enemies and targeted by the Greek rebels with the purpose of either uprooting Islam from areas that were to become parts of Greece or assimilating Muslim communities by converting their members to Christian Orthodoxy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (9) ◽  
pp. 985-1006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Howard Ecklund ◽  
Christopher P. Scheitle ◽  
Jared Peifer ◽  
Daniel Bolger

Recent media portrayals link climate change skepticism to evolution skepticism, often as part of a larger “antiscience” tendency related to membership in conservative religious groups. Using national survey data, we examine the link between evolution skepticism and climate change skepticism, and consider religion’s association with both. Our analysis shows a modest association between the two forms of skepticism along with some shared predictors, such as political conservatism, a lack of confidence in science, and lower levels of education. Evangelical Protestants also show more skepticism toward both evolution and climate change compared with the religiously unaffiliated. On the whole, however, religion has a much stronger and clearer association with evolution skepticism than with climate change skepticism. Results contribute to scholarly discussions on how different science issues may or may not interact, the role of religion in shaping perceptions of science, and how science policy makers might better channel their efforts to address environmental care and climate change in particular.


Author(s):  
PEGGY L. SHRIVER

The 1984 election emphasized the public role of religion in both parties; much uneasiness about the proper place of religion in politics was revealed. The United States was originally envisioned by some religious groups as a voluntary Christian commonwealth. Although that dream is less persuasive today, religion supplies a continuing definition and critique of the public good. Growing religious diversity produces conflicting views, necessitating rethinking by mainline Protestants. A major difference is between those who nourish nationalism and an individualistic religion and those with a world-encompassing vision and a communal faith. Religion provides sustaining hope and a commitment to wholeness, and it contributes politically, often through coalitions. The role of the religious convictions of politicians was heatedly debated with modest resolution in the 1984 campaign. American democratic ideals are being tested, and religion, in dialogue with science, is challenged to help shape the nation's future.


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