1996

Author(s):  
Jennifer Stromer-Galley

The 1996 presidential campaigns were the first to experiment with DCTs. Democratic President Bill Clinton and his challenger, Republican Bob Dole, built the first presidential campaign websites, and their experimentation established the core genre of the campaign website. Ironically, it was the seventy-year-old Republican who had the more cutting-edge website, while the president’s site was more cautious—reflecting a pattern in future elections in which challengers are more forward thinking and experimental than incumbents. They have more to lose when experimenting with untested communication technologies. The campaigns demonstrated the mass media paradigm of campaigning, while dabbling with digital media. The absence of human-interactive affordances in their DCTs underscore that the underlying attitudes campaigns held toward citizens is that they are to be managed and controlled, persuaded but not empowered except in the most limited sense.

Author(s):  
Paula Brügger

In a time of intense instrumentalization of life, nature becomes a mere factory from which natural resources are withdrawn. This system is causing immense social, ethical and environmental impacts, and livestock raising is at the core of these problems. The concept of speciesism – a prejudice concerning nonhuman animals, analogous to racism and sexism – is paramount in this realm. This chapter analyses the role of the mass media in perpetuating speciesist values and the urgent need for a paradigm shift. A genuine concern about the future of the planet and nonhuman animals involves questioning our speciesism and our narrow instrumental and economic paradigms.


Author(s):  
Claude R. Shema

The 21st century faced challenges that undermine peace and harmony among humankind on the planet earth. Apart from scary man made environmental related calamities, the 21st century emerged with the mass media era, where the internet, digital and social media based threats and terrorizing propaganda has catapulted to unspeakable and unprecedented extreme radicalization from all over the globe. The propaganda messages are spread at the lightning speed, from one end of the globe to another instantly, and impacts of the outcomes shake the core of humanity from psychological, political, and socioeconomic aspects as well. Through available literature, this chapter examines the impacts of digital media to peace and conflict resolution, and investigates the psychosocial aspects and modules or hypotheses of media and paths to terrorism behavior as well. Hypotheses suggest a strong link leading to association between digital media and pathways to terrorism and associated psychological impacts.


Author(s):  
Claude R. Shema

The 21st century faced challenges that undermine peace and harmony among humankind on the planet earth. Apart from scary man made environmental related calamities, the 21st century emerged with the mass media era, where the internet, digital and social media based threats and terrorizing propaganda has catapulted to unspeakable and unprecedented extreme radicalization from all over the globe. The propaganda messages are spread at the lightning speed, from one end of the globe to another instantly, and impacts of the outcomes shake the core of humanity from psychological, political, and socioeconomic aspects as well. Through available literature, this chapter examines the impacts of digital media to peace and conflict resolution, and investigates the psychosocial aspects and modules or hypotheses of media and paths to terrorism behavior as well. Hypotheses suggest a strong link leading to association between digital media and pathways to terrorism and associated psychological impacts.


2013 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 123-137
Author(s):  
Christiane Königstedt

The internet is widely used internationally by individuals and groups who otherwise perceive and experience a lack of influence and even repression by authorities and whose opinions remain invisible in or are ignored by the mass media. The new media are a frequently-used means of expression in the political struggles of social and religious movements, especially as part of attempts to increase the number of supporters and to mobilise public opinion. The extent, of the usage as well as its degree of success, does vary and because of this variety, a comparative analysis can illuminate parts of the whole conflictuous configuration as well as the chances and limits of resistance and opposition via these media channels. Organisations which were chosen to be investigated here were the so-called ‘new religious movements’, or more precisely, the many forms of alternative religion in France who face significant levels of social and legal exclusion, while most of their members are themselves usually strongly committed to democracy and their identities as equal French citizens. Therefore, they choose to perform counter-actions which are within the law and act strategically, which makes them a special case compared to revolutionary political movements which may question the social order of the state as a whole. France, with its ‘anti-cult’ policy, has come to a unique standing within the Western world in this respect. Though religious freedom and state neutrality in relation to religious issues are constitutionally granted, a differentiation is made – and partially even legally enforced – between good religions and harmful ones which attempt to manipulate their adepts mentally. The debates are held in a constant dynamic between the struggling parties of ‘anti-cult’ movements and alternative religions. The exclusion of the latter from the mass media is revealed be one central means of hindering them from gaining approval within society, because positive portrayals which might counterbalance the widespread negative public view are prevented. Two umbrella associations of and for NRMs in France have been formed in oppostion to French ‘anti-cult’ activism and therefore have also started to make use of the relatively unregulated and uncontrolled internet, including social online networks and digital media. An investigation into how they do this and how far they are and potentially can be successful is the main focus of this article.


Author(s):  
Andreas Wittel

This is the claim: In the age of mass media the political economy of media has engaged with Marxist concepts in a rather limited way. In the age of digital media Marxist theory could and should be applied in a much broader sense to this field of research. The article will provide a rationale for this claim with a two step approach. The first step is to produce evidence for the claim that political economy of mass media engaged with Marxist theory in a rather limited way. It is also to explain the logic behind this limited engagement. The second step – which really is the core objective of this article – is an exploration of key concepts of Marx’s political economy - such as labour, value, property and struggle - and a brief outline of their relevance for a critical analysis of digital media. These concepts are particularly relevant for a deeper understanding of phenomena such as non-market production, peer production, and the digital commons, and for interventions in debates on free culture, intellectual property, and free labour.


Author(s):  
Stephanie J Cork ◽  
Paul T Jaeger ◽  
Shannon Jette ◽  
Stefanie Ebrahimoff

Politics – especially presidential campaigns – are an important means by which to examine the values and issues that are given priority by members of a society and the people who wish to be leaders of that society. The issues discussed in a campaign, and the ways in which they are discussed, reveal much about social attitudes and policy goals. In the past twenty years, information and communication technologies have become simultaneously central policy issues at the national level (access, privacy, security, etc.) and the main channels by which candidates engage their supporters (Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, etc.). In this paper we examine both of these roles of information and communication technologies in the 2016 presidential campaign in the United States through the lens of disability issues. This particular focus was driven by: the occurrence of the 25th Anniversary of the American with Disabilities Act during the first year of the campaign, and, more significantly, the intersection of disability, information, and technology as a major civil rights issue for people with disabilities, who represent nearly one-fifth of the population of the United States. For this study we collected and analyzed campaign materials released online about disability issues by selected presidential campaigns, as well as news stories and other related Web content, to better understand the issues related to disability being discussed in the campaign and implications of those issues for people with disabilities.


1998 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 302-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Waldman ◽  
James Devitt

This article presents results of a content analysis of photographs of Bill Clinton and Bob Dole appearing in five major newspapers during the last two months of the 1996 presidential campaign. Clinton is found to have received slightly better pictorial treatment, with the most substantial difference found in the Chicago Tribune, an editorially conservative paper. In addition, a week-by-week analysis finds that photos of the two candidates rose and fell together in favorability. Placing the current study in the context of previous content analyses, the authors reject the conclusion of “liberal bias” in the press coverage of presidential campaigns, arguing instead for the presence of a strategic bias benefiting the front-runner.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rangga Saptya Mohamad Permana ◽  
Nessa Suzan

Competition in the business and mass media industry globally began to be felt in Indonesia. This is evident in the structure of the mass media market in Indonesia, where media conglomeration has become commonplace. The industry and structure of the mass media in Indonesia has developed with many variants of mass media that can be consumed by audiences, whether they are conventional media types (old media) or internet based digital media (new media). The purpose of the research in this article is to find out the reality of industry and the structure of the mass media market in Indonesia. The research in this article uses qualitative research methods, precisely the descriptive-qualitative method, by focusing data from the literature review. The results of the research show that industrial conditions and the structure of the mass media market in Indonesia can be viewed from several perspectives, i.e. the number of media buyers and sellers, product differentiation, and barriers to competition. Meanwhile, to explore the structure of the mass media market in Indonesia, we can use The Theory of The Firm, which consists of four types of markets. The four types of markets are monopoly market, oligopoly market, monopolistic competition market, and perfect competition market. Media management from an art perspective can be used as a basis for the media industry; and globally, industry and the structure of the mass media market in Indonesia are not much different from other countries that adhere to the ideology of democracy in the world.


1997 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 718-737 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Domke ◽  
David P. Fan ◽  
Michael Fibison ◽  
Dhavan V. Shah ◽  
Steven S. Smith ◽  
...  

There are two primary goals with this research. First, we examine whether news media were biased in coverage of the candidates or issues during the 1996 U.S. presidential campaign, as Republican Party candidate Bob Dole and others claimed. Second, we use an ideodynamic model of media effects to examine whether the quantity of positive and negative news coverage of the candidates was related to the public's preference of either Bill Clinton or Dole. The model posits that a candidate's level of support at any time is a function of the level of previous support (as measured in recent polls) plus changes in voters' preferences due to media coverage in the interim. This model allows exploration of whether news media coverage, alone, could predict the public's presidential preference in 1996. Using a computer content analysis program, 12,215 randomly sampled newspaper stories and television transcripts were examined from forty-three major media outlets from 10 March to 6 November 1996. Findings reveal both remarkably balanced media coverage of the two principal candidates, Clinton and Dole, and a powerful relationship between media coverage and public opinion.


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