Introduction

Author(s):  
John Makeham

The Introduction contextualizes Zhu Xi within the “Learning of the Way” tradition of Neo-Confucian thought, and introduces key questions that animate the volume as a whole: What aspects of Buddhism did Zhu criticize and why? Was his engagement limited to criticism (informed or otherwise) or did Zhu also appropriate and repurpose Buddhist ideas to develop his own thought? If Zhu’s philosophical repertoire incorporated conceptual structures and problematics that are marked by a distinct Buddhist pedigree, what implications does this have for our understanding of his philosophical project? The Introduction provides a narrative that links the book’s five chapters; introduces the main aims, content, and structure of each chapter; and provides historical, institutional, and doctrinal contextualization for the Buddhist material. That material includes coverage of Chan Buddhist doctrine in the Song dynasty and Chan’s institutional setting; Chan and Tiantai engagement with Neo-Confucian thinkers; and key Tiantai and Huayan doctrines.

Author(s):  
Michael C. Kalton

Yi Hwang, also known by his honorific name T’oegye, is one of the two most honoured thinkers of the Korean neo-Confucian tradition. His fully balanced and integral grasp of the complex philosophical neo-Confucian synthesis spun by Zhu Xi during China’s Song dynasty marks the tradition’s arrival at full maturity in Korea. His ‘Four–Seven Debate’ with Ki Taesûng established a distinctive problematic that strongly oriented Korean neo-Confucian thought towards exacting investigation of critical issues regarding the juncture of metaphysics and their all-important application in describing the inner life of the human heart-and-mind.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 239-250
Author(s):  
Shu-Hsien Liu

This article further develops my understanding of Confucianism as a spiritual tradition. The spirit of Confucian philosophy remains the same as Confucius and Mencius in the ancient era, and Zhu Xi in the Song Dynasty, who developed liyi-fenshu (one principle/many manifestations) into a comprehensive anthropo-cosmic philosophy. The idea is inherited by Contemporary Neo-Confucian scholars, reinterpreted to cope with the current emphasis on plurality, the aspect of fenshu (difference), but maintained liyi (unity) as a regulative principle, sometimes radical reconstruction is needed to respond to contemporary issues such as the conflict between universalism and particularism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-57

This chapter focuses on the Analects, which is a collection of 512 passages arranged in twenty chapters that describe what Confucius said. The chapter talks about the rationalist neo-Confucian philosopher Zhu Xi who selected the Analects as one of the Four Books to read in order to understand Confucian teachings during the Song dynasty. It also mentions the Five Classics of Confucianism that were traditionally ascribed to Confucius in the sense that he wrote some and edited others. The chapter discusses Ban Gu, a Chinese politician and poet who provided the seminal narrative for how it was thought the Analects was compiled. It also pays attention to the poet and politician Liu Zongyuan, who expressed the opinion that disciples of Zengzi compiled the Analects.


Zhu Xi (1130–1200) is the most influential Neo-Confucian philosopher, and arguably the most important Chinese philosopher, of the past millennium, both in terms of his legacy and for the sophistication of his systematic philosophy. The Buddhist Roots of Zhu Xi’s Philosophical Thought combines in a single study two major areas of Chinese philosophy that are rarely tackled together: Chinese Buddhist philosophy and Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucian philosophy. Despite Zhu Xi’s importance as a philosopher, the role of Buddhist thought and philosophy in the construction of his systematic philosophy remains poorly understood. What aspects of Buddhism did he criticize and why? Was his engagement limited to criticism (informed or otherwise), or did Zhu also appropriate and repurpose Buddhist ideas to develop his own thought? If Zhu’s philosophical repertoire incorporated conceptual structures and problematics that are marked by a distinct Buddhist pedigree, what implications does this have for our understanding of his philosophical project? The five chapters that make up this volume present a rich and complex portrait of the Buddhist roots of Zhu Xi’s philosophical thought. The scholarship is meticulous, the analysis is rigorous, and the philosophical insights are fresh. Collectively, the chapters illuminate a greatly expanded range of the intellectual resources Zhu incorporated into his philosophical thought, demonstrating the vital role that models derived from Buddhism played in his philosophical repertoire. In doing so, they provide new perspectives on what Zhu Xi was trying to achieve as a philosopher by repurposing ideas from Buddhism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 193-212
Author(s):  
Diana Arghirescu

In this study of ancient Confucian, Neo-Confucian (School of Principle) and Chan Buddhist ways of thinking about morality and the moral agent, my main objective is to trace changes relating to the nature and foundation of Confucian moral thought that occurred during the Song dynasty, through a parallel reading of Neo- Confucian writings and the Platform Sutra. By using the hermeneutical method and comparative textual analysis, the essay provides evidence that these changes reflect the Chan influence on Neo- Confucianism and embody a specific Neo-Confucian spirituality. The following concepts and themes articulate the theoretical framework of the research: the moral agent and moral agency; the heart-mind, authentic nature, and the principle of coherence; types of morality (substantive and procedural); and interrelatedness, oneness and purity.


Author(s):  
Wolfgang Ommerborn

Abstract Lu Jiuyuan (1139-1193) is one of the most prominent philosophers of the Song dynasty. He belonged to the School of Mind (Xin-Xue), one of the two main schools of Neo-Confucianism - the other being the School of Principle (Li Xue), of which Zhu Xi (1130-1200) is the outstanding figure. This essay investigates the onto-logical and epistemological teachings of Lu Jiuyuan and compares them with the thought of other Neo-Confucian thinkers such as Zhu Xi. The most important term in Zhu Xi's philosophy is li (universal principle). Lu Jiuyuan equated li with the mind of man. He developed his philosophy on the basis of li- present in and apprehended by the mind - as the moral criterion of human conduct. For him, the purpose of study is to recognize li and return to the originally pure condition of the mind. Every man, he said, is responsible for the condition of his mind and must strive to attain knowledge of the truth. Lu refused to consider as important the acquisition of factual knowledge by external investigation, emphasizing instead that li is to be known intuitively. The realization of li is the result of inner, subjective self-examination.


2019 ◽  
pp. 85-98
Author(s):  
Hanna Dashchenko

This article deals with ci written by the outstanding Chinese poetess of the Song dynasty Li Qingzhao (李清照, 1084–1155?) and her poetic style Yi’an ti (易安體). The empirical material for this research is the extant 60 ci of Li Qingzhao which are presented in one of the most famous collections compiled by Xu Peijun (徐培均). Having analyzed these ci I have found several correlations concerning her poetic style. Firstly, in Li Qingzhao’s poetry ci form is positively related to ci rank: the longer ci, the higher its chance of being perceived as an “outstanding” one by commentators and poets. Secondly, the way of expressing emotions is one of the main elements that make Li Qingzhao’s long ci (zhongdiao 中調 and changdiao 長調) to be perceived as the “outstanding” ones by commentators and poets and her short ci (xiaoling 小令) as nothing very distinctive. Thirdly, negatively marked emotions are dominant in Li Qingzhao’s ci, but in most cases the poetess did not mention the reason of the sorrow of the lyrical persona or the persona this emotion was connected with. Forthly, there is a strong correlation between ci form, ci rank and types of floral images in her poetry.


Zhu Xi ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 138-161
Author(s):  
Ellen Neskar ◽  
Ari Borrell

Part of this chapter deals with Zhu Xi’s critique of Buddhism and Daoism: his distinction of the neo-Confucian concept of pattern-principle and virtuous governance from seemingly similar Buddhist and Daoist ideas, his concern with what he saw as both schools’ lack of social and political engagement and their rejection of ethical norms, and the practice of Buddhist meditation and Daoist quietism. Zhu had a certain respect for Zhuangzi, and believed Laozi and the later Daoists were “better than” Buddhists. He reserved a special disdain for the Song dynasty version of Chan and, in particular, for its interpretation of the heart-mind and practice of sudden enlightenment. Significantly, a large portion of his attacks against Chan focus on what he saw as its pernicious influence on scholars in the Learning of the Way and Learning of the Heart-Mind movements. These attacks are taken up in part two of the translation.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiroshi Miyajima

In the recent debates about Confucianism and its role in East Asian economic development, there has been little discussion about why East Asian societies embraced Confucian values in the first place. Here, “Confucian” refers particularly to the ideas of the Song dynasty Zhu Xi school (neo-Confucianism) which became associated in China with the shidafu scholar-bureaucrat class. Zhu Xi political philosophy was anchored in a centralized governing bureaucracy under the emperor, and differed markedly from political ideals underlying medieval feudal society in Europe, for example. Land-ownership was not a condition of shidafu status, and there is only a partial resemblance between the Chinese landowner and European feudal ruling strata. In Japan and Korea, notwithstanding the fact that neo-Confucianism was an imported philosophy and there arose discrepancies between its ideas and social reality, it sank deep roots into both societies. This paper looks at the conditions that allowed this to happen, and concludes that the spread of Confucian ideas depended on structural changes in Korea and Japan that were similar to those that had occurred in China. It is in the emergence of peasant society that we find the key to such changes. This, I contend, is a far more important watershed than the one that divides early-modern and modern.


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