Welfare Fraud Is Scarce

2021 ◽  
pp. 106-113
Author(s):  
Mark Robert Rank ◽  
Lawrence M. Eppard ◽  
Heather E. Bullock

Chapter 14 debunks the myth that welfare fraud is rampant. Although this myth is routinely perpetrated by political actors, the reality is that fraud is quite uncommon. Error rates are examined for the SNAP program, showing overall low incidence. There are currently multiple initiatives underway to curb SNAP enrollment that appear to be fueled by unfounded concerns about fraud, abuse, and waste. In addition, the trend toward criminalization of welfare use is discussed. This includes finger-imaging welfare recipients along with drug testing. Finally, research has demonstrated that a number of poverty-stricken individuals and families who would be eligible for various safety net programs choose not to apply in order to avoid the humiliation, frustration, and stigma associated with welfare.

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 47-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krystle Maki

This article examines the current practices of welfare surveillance in Ontario Works (OW). Although neoliberal policy changes to social assistance have been well documented by a variety of scholars, the surveillance technologies behind them have received less scrutiny. The article questions how new surveillance technologies have transformed the administration and everyday practices of OW. Based on primary research of policy documents, legislation, regulations and directives, the paper explores the eight surveillance tools used to police OW recipients including the Consolidated Verification Procedure (CVP); Maintenance Enforcement with Computer Assistance (MECA); Service Delivery Model Technology (SDMT); Ontario Works Eligibility Criteria; Eligibility Review Officers (EROs); Audit of Recipients; Drug Testing and Welfare Fraud Hotlines. I argue the Ontario Works Act (OWA) 1997 justified increased surveillance, regulation and control of poor families creating new forms of surveillance. Additionally, the rationales behind the implementation of OW surveillance (anti–fraud and workfare) were unjustified and have made OW recipients, particularly racialized single mothers more vulnerable. Using a feminist political economy critique, the article endeavours to explore the gendered, classed and racialized implications of welfare surveillance and the expanding ways the state has created ‘deviants’ out of those who fail to be ‘good market citizens’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-340
Author(s):  
Mary Jean Walker ◽  
James Franklin

Author(s):  
Julilly Kohler-Hausmann

This chapter analyzes the central role of criminalization and welfare fraud in degrading the civic status of welfare recipients and the declining support for the program. Politicians, such as Ronald Reagan, blamed soaring caseloads not on the economic conditions or the recent legal reforms that prohibited states from denying aid on the basis of race or morality, but on personal failings of recipients, particularly the alleged preponderance of sexually deviant welfare “cheaters.” To manage this problem, they often enlisted law enforcement and penal rituals. The press amplified politicians' narrative through sensationalized, often anomalous, tales of recipients' shiftlessness, devious scams, and extravagant consumption.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-300
Author(s):  
Federica Rossetti ◽  
Femke Roosma ◽  
Tijs Laenen ◽  
Koen Abts

AbstractThe article focuses on one of the core but controversial features of a universal basic income (UBI): its unconditionality. Using qualitative in-depth interviews collected in the Dutch municipality of Tilburg in 2018–2019, we examine the arguments underlying popular opinions about a UBI and work conditionality. The analysis suggests that these arguments can be interpreted from two theoretical perspectives. On the one hand, respondents make frequent use of deservingness criteria referring to the characteristics of welfare recipients, such as their need and work willingness. On the other hand, they justify their opinions using arguments related to the characteristics of welfare schemes, such as their administrative and financial feasibility. Our findings offer important insights concerning political actors who support (or oppose) the real-world implementation of a UBI.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Leo ◽  
Todd Andres

Abstract.Building on an international literature that stresses the growing importance of cities in both the economy and governance, this paper proceeds from the premise that national government support is essential to the maintenance of a social safety net, but that a great deal of local initiative is also necessary in order to ensure that national government funds are spent in a manner appropriate to the very different conditions in different cities. The paper focuses on a case in which a municipal government initiated a tri-level government program. Winnipeg officials and politicians developed a proposal for federal and provincial participation in a locally created welfare-to-work scheme, a scheme that, unlike conventional workfare, offered union wages and training leading to well-paid work. The municipal government provided on-the-job training for workers selected from the welfare rolls to carry out infrastructure upgrades and financed the project with money the federal and provincial governments saved on welfare payments. The paper argues that the municipal government was uniquely well placed to identify needed work, as well as to choose welfare recipients who would be able to benefit from the job training on offer. In this case, therefore, we argue that local initiative was essential to the success of this federally and provincially financed welfare-to-work program. The findings of the theoretical literature we review suggest that it could eventually become a precedent for further municipal and local activism along similar lines.Résumé.S'inspirant d'une littérature internationale—comprenant les contributions de Canadiens tels que Magnusson, Elkins et Courcherne—qui souligne l'importance croissante des villes dans l'économie et la gouvernance, et s'inspirant également du savoir déjà acquis sur le fédéralisme de fond, cette communication part de la prémisse que l'appui du gouvernement fédéral est indispensable au maintien d'un filet de sécurité sociale, mais que l'initiative locale est très importante pour assurer que les fonds versés par le gouvernement national soient exploités d'une manière qui réponde aux circonstances particulières des villes différentes. La présente communication porte sur un projet lancé par une administration municipale mais destiné aux trois niveaux de gouvernement. En effet, ce sont les employés et l'administration de la Ville de Winnipeg qui ont mis sur pied un projet de retour au travail pour les bénéficiaires d'une aide sociale auquel les gouvernements fédéral et provincial devaient participer. Contrairement aux programmes conventionnels de travaux d'utilité publique, ce projet offrait un salaire conforme aux règles syndicales en même temps qu'une formation sur le lieu de travail. C'est le gouvernement municipal qui assurait cette formation aux individus choisis de la liste des bénéficiaires d'une aide sociale et dont le travail consistait à hausser l'infrastructure. C'est aussi le gouvernement municipal qui finançait le projet avec l'argent que les gouvernements fédéral et provincial avaient économisé sur les fonds de solidarité. La communication prétend que le gouvernement municipal est particulièrement bien placé pour identifier les travaux nécessaires et pour sélectionner les bénéficiaires d'aide sociale les plus capables de profiter de la formation donnée sur le poste de travail. Nous prétendons donc que, dans ce cas, le succès de ce programme de retour au travail pour les bénéficiaires d'une aide sociale, financé aux niveaux fédéral et provincial, dépendait de l'initiative locale. La littérature théorique que nous avons passée en revue suggère que ce projet puisse finir par devenir le modèle pour d'autres activités municipales et locales du même genre.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel McArthur

Public support for the welfare state is shaped by beliefs about whether recipients are deserving or not. In the case of unemployed people, beliefs about whether they are at fault for their situation or not play a central role in shaping deservingness perceptions. Political actors and lay accounts suggest that living in disadvantaged places can shape attitudes towards welfare recipients. Existing research disagrees on whether higher local unemployment improves attitudes by providing information about the labour market, or worsens them by priming fears of welfare dependency. Thus, this study investigates whether individuals living in areas with higher unemployment benefit claims are more or less likely to believe that the unemployed are responsible for their situation. I innovate using a large sample of longitudinal data from the British Election Study to investigate the role of measuring unemployment benefit claims at multiple spatial scales, and over time. The results provide little evidence of a relationship between local unemployment and beliefs about the causes of unemployment, especially among affluent people. These findings challenge claims that antipathy towards unemployment benefits is shaped by exposure to unemployed people and undermine arguments that spatial segregation by income leads to decreased solidarity with the unemployed.


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