“The Red Sea of War”

2021 ◽  
pp. 57-66
Author(s):  
James P. Byrd
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Red Sea ◽  
Henry Ward Beecher ◽  
The Bible ◽  
The North ◽  
Fort Sumter

This chapter examines how Americans read the Bible in response to the battle at Fort Sumter and the beginning of the Civil War. In the North, Henry Ward Beecher set the tone in his sermon, “The Battle Set in Array,” which called on the Exodus story to rouse northerners to war. As Beecher preached it, the Exodus was a war story, a story of God’s deliverance of his people in battle, but it was also a story that warned people that they could not just rely on God – they would have to join the fight. Many northerners shared Beecher’s zeal, including Catholics, some of whom saw wartime service as a way to earn the respect of others in a predominately anti-Catholic nation. Overall northerners embraced the war, viewing it as a noble enterprise that would improve the moral resolve of a nation that had become materialistic, immoral, and weak.

Epilogue

2021 ◽  
pp. 285-302
Author(s):  
James P. Byrd
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Civil War ◽  
The Bible ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Biblical Texts ◽  
Religious War

This epilogue examines the central themes of the Bible in the Civil War, including confidence in clear analogies between biblical texts and the war; faith in the war’s redemptive outcome, which, for many in the North, charged the United States with a divine mission in the world; and above all, reverence for the sacred sacrifice of the dead, whose blood had “consecrated” the nation. Through all the death and injury, endless debates over slavery, defenses of secession, and patriotism, the Bible was a constant reference. The American Civil War may not have been “a war of religion,” James McPherson wrote, but we should not forget “the degree to which it was a religious war.” In a similar way, the American Civil War was not primarily a war over the Bible, but it was a biblical war for many Americans.

scholarly journals Betting on Secession: Quantifying Political Events Surrounding Slavery and the Civil War

2016 ◽  
Vol 106 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles W. Calomiris ◽  
Jonathan Pritchett
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Fort Sumter ◽  
Age And Sex

Lincoln's election produced Southern secession, war, and abolition. Using a new dataset on slave sales, we examine connections between news and slave prices for the period 1856–1861. By August 1861, slave prices had declined by roughly one-third from their 1860 peak. That decline was similar for all age and sex cohorts and thus did not reflect expected emancipation without compensation. The decision to secede reflected beliefs that the North would not invade and that emancipation without compensation was unlikely. Both were encouraged by Lincoln's conciliatory tone before the attack on Fort Sumter, and subsequently dashed by Lincoln's willingness to wage all-out war. (JEL D72, D74, D83, G14, H77, N31, N41)

The Tragedy of Lebanon

1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Mahmud A. Faksh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
World War ◽  
Land Area ◽  
Henry Kissinger ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
New States

I.Since the end of World War 11, approximately eighty new states havebeen established. Only two, Pakistan and Cyprus, have undergone theagony of dismemberment when Bangladesh broke off in 1973 and theTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared in 1983. The worldmay now be witnessing the possible breakup of yet a third state:Lebanon, whose disintegration has been accelerated since the June 1982Israeli invasion.Shortly after the invasion began, Henry Kissinger assessed itsconsequence for Lebanon’s future, concluding, “It is neither desirablenor possible to return to the status quo ante in Lebanon.” One possibleoutcome was that some Syrian and Israeli forces would remain in thenorthern and southern ends, respectively, and the central government’sauthority would ostensibly cover the rest of the country. Implicit in theKissinger diagnosis is the possibility of eventual partition.Though the gloomy assessment by the “wizard” of US. foreign policyshould by no means be construed as a portent of an official shift awayfrom the publicly stated US. support of “Lebanon’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity,” a shadow was cast on the country’s prospects.Subsequent developments have seemed to indicate that Lebanon’sdemise looms larger than at any time since the beginning of the civil warin 1975-76.For over a year and a half national fragmentation has proceededinexorably. What many people once could imagine only with difficulty,they now acknowledge: in reality, Lebanon is facing possible death. TheSouth (35 percent of the land area) is occupied by Israel; the North andthe Biqa’ (45 percent) are controlled by Syria; Kasrawan (15 percent) iscontrolled by the Christian Maronite forces (the Lebanese Front forces),which are not subject to the government’s authority. The rest of thecountry-beleaguered Beirut and environs-was until the February1984 breakdown under the government’s shaky control supported bysymbolic US., French, Italian, and British units. The Multi-NationalForce (MNF) was subject to increasing attacks by Muslim leftist factions,as witnessed in the October 23 bombing of the quarters of U.S.Marines and French troops. Thus, instead of keeping peace, the MNFbecame ,a partisan force trying to protect itself. The US. and Frenchforces in particular seemed to have outlived their usefulness as“peacekeepers.” Recurrent fighting in southern Beirut and in theadjacent Chouf mountains, that pitted Christian Maronites and armyunits against Shi‘ite and Druse Muslims constantly threatened theexistence of President Amin Gemayel’s government and consequently arenewal of the civil war. This situation culminated in February 1984 inthe resignation of the Shafiq al-Wazzan’s cabinet, the loss ofgovernment’s control of West Beirut to Muslim-leftist militias, and theimminent collapse of Amin Gemayel’s presidency ...

Draft Evasion in the North during the Civil War, 1863-1865

1981 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 816 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Levine
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The North

The Segregation of Black Students at Oberlin College after Reconstruction

2001 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cally L. Waite
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Black Students ◽  
Black Families ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Educational History ◽  
College Curriculum ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
Oberlin College ◽  
One Year

The community of Oberlin, Ohio, located in the northeast corner of the state, holds an important place in the history of the education of Black Americans. In 1834, one year after its founding, the trustees of Oberlin College agreed to admit students, “irrespective of color.” They were the only college, at that time, to adopt such a policy. Oberlin's history as the first college to admit Black students and its subsequent abolitionist activities are crucial to the discussion of Black educational history. Opportunities for education before the Civil War were not common for most of the American population, but for Blacks, these opportunities were close to nonexistent. In the South, it was illegal for Blacks to learn to read or write. In the North, there was limited access to public schooling for Black families. In addition, during the early nineteenth century there were no Black colleges for students to attend. Although Bowdoin College boasted the first Black graduate in 1827, few other colleges before the Civil War opened their doors to Black students. Therefore, the opportunity that Oberlin offered to Black students was extraordinarily important. The decision to admit Black students to the college, and offer them the same access to the college curriculum as their white classmates, challenged the commonly perceived notion of Blacks as childlike, inferior, and incapable of learning.

scholarly journals A República e a Monarquia em confronto: a Guerra Civil portuguesa na raia galega (1911- 1912) = The Republic and the Monarchy in confrontation: the Portuguese Civil War on the Galician border (1911-1912)

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Luís Miguel Moreira
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
Geographical Perspective ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Sobre Todo

Resumen: La progresiva radicalización ideológica del régimen republicano, instaurado en Portugal en octubre de 1910, provocó una oposición conservadora y monárquica que se organizó en el exilio, sobre todo en el sur de Galicia. Entre octubre de 1911 y junio de 1912, estacionados en varios pueblos y villas gallegas en la raya con Portugal, los monárquicos hicieron dos incursiones en territorio portugués —el primero en Vinhais y el segundo en Chaves— con el fin de fomentar la rebelión contra régimen instaurado. Sin embargo, las tropas republicanas, más numerosas y mejor equipadas, vencieron todos los combates. En la época, este episodio de guerra civil mereció amplia cobertura periodística, particularmente por la prensa afecta al régimen republicano. Los mapas y las fotografías de la frontera fueron ampliamente utilizados para localizar e ilustrar los acontecimientos. En este texto, pretendemos reconstituir estos movimientos, proponiendo una lectura geográfico-histórica de la raya luso-gallega, en el contexto de este episodio.Palabras clave: República portuguesa, incursiones monárquicas, raya galaico-portuguesa, cartografía propaganda.Abstract: The ideological radicalisation of the republican regime, established in Portugal in October 1910, gave rise to the forming of a conservative and monarchical opposition in exile, in the south of the Spanish historic region of Galicia. Between October 1911 and June 1912, from several Galician villages not far from the Portuguese border, the monarchists made two incursions into the north of the country - the first to Vinhais and the second to Chaves - with the aim of fuelling popular uprisings and a military rebellion against the new regime. However, the Republican troops, more numerous and better equipped, won all the battles. At the time, this episode of civil war received extensive journalistic coverage particularly from the newspapers close to the republican regime. Maps and photographs of the border were widely used to locate and illustrate the events. From the historic-geographical perspective of the Portuguese-Galician border, this paper reconstitutes these movements in the broader historical context.Key words: Portuguese Republic, monarchical incursions, Portuguese-Galician border, propaganda maps.

scholarly journals THE (IR)RELEVANCE OF BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP? A CHALLENGE, AND AN OPPORTUNITY

Scriptura ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin D. Giffone
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
Qualitative Difference ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Biblical Scholarship ◽  
The North ◽  
Scholarly Discourse ◽  
Biblical Education ◽  
Bible Reading

Has biblical scholarship become irrelevant to modern secular societies? Are the threats to the viability of biblical scholarship of the same nature as the threats to other areas of the humanities (history, philosophy, literature), or is there a qualitative difference? What about the role of technology in biblical research and biblical education? What is the future of the institutions of biblical scholarship such as universities, seminaries, journals, and academic presses? What is the role of biblical scholars in secular and post-secular societies, as contrasted with scholars in/from emerging communities? This essay argues that the problem of “validation” lies at the heart of biblical scholarship’s irrelevancy within the broader secularity of modern world and that this problem is even more evident in the scholarly discourse coming from regions like Eastern Europe and South Africa. However, the loss of authority of biblical scholarship more generally represents an opportunity for these communities. Rather than becoming enamoured of validation from the North Atlantic world, Bible-reading communities must cultivate their own forms of validation based in their unique histories with the Bible, and the affinities between their own histories/cultures and the cultures that produced the Old and New Testament texts.

scholarly journals Reconciling Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism: The North African Leadership Dilemma

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Radwa Saad
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Effective Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
North African ◽  
The North ◽  
Pan African ◽  
Pan Africanism ◽  
African Leadership ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict

The purpose of this research to examine the challenges Arab leaders face in simultaneously adhering to Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism and extract conditions in which the two ideologies can be reconciled to produce mutual benefits. This study poses the question: what strategies do North-African leaders deploy to balance their Pan-Arab and Pan-African commitments and what repercussions do these strategies have on the state of Arab-African relations? By drawing on two scenarios where Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism conflicted, namely the 1967-1979 Arab-Israeli Conflict and the 2011 Libyan civil war, it will highlight the role leadership can play in mediating such tensions. The study finds that it is only through the decrease of hegemonic pursuits and the increase in effective leadership processes both domestically and regionally that the two ideologies can coexist.

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