The Domestic Implementation of International Women’s Rights Norms

Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

The study’s theoretical framework is explicated in this chapter. The chapter draws on the international relations, gender and politics, public administration, and African studies literatures to develop a framework that explains implementation at the national and street levels. It shows that an interplay of external and domestic factors shape implementation but specifies that domestic actors and conditions become more essential at the institutionalization stage. While high international pressure is sufficient for the creation of specialized mechanisms, domestic pressure and conditions become more important at the institutionalization state. Thus, low domestic pressure and unfavorable political and institutional conditions hinder implementation, even when combined with high international pressure.

Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

This concluding chapter discusses the theoretical and empirical contributions of the book. It explains that while international pressure is important for the creation of specialized mechanisms, strong domestic pressure and favourable political and institutional conditions are key to how these mechanisms are institutionalized, and thus, to how the international women’s justice norm is implemented. The chapter connects this finding to the international relations, gender and politics, and African studies literatures and shows how the insights generated advance scholarship in these areas. It also discusses the policy implications of the findings and argues that specialized mechanisms can serve to increase girls’ and women’s access to justice in Africa, but only if embedded within a holistic framework.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen M. Kinsella ◽  
Laura Sjoberg

AbstractIn this article, we focus on the subset of evolutionary theorising self-identified as Feminist Evolutionary Analytic (FEA) within security studies and International Relations. We offer this accounting in four sections. First, we provide a brief overview of the argument that reproductive interests are the ‘origins’ of international violence. Second, we break down the definitions of gender, sex, and sexuality used in evolutionary work in security studies generally and in FEA specifically, demonstrating a lack of complexity in FEA’s accounts of the potential relations among the three and critiquing their essentialist heteronormative assumptions. Third, we argue that FEA’s failure to reflect on the history and context of evolutionary theorising, much less contemporary feminist critiques, facilitates its forwarding of the state and institutions as primarily neutral and corrective bulwarks against male violence. Fourth, we conclude by outlining what is at stake if we fail to correct for this direction in feminist, IR, and security research. We argue that FEA work misrepresents and narrows the potential for understanding and responding to violence, facilitating the continued instrumentalisation of women’s rights, increased government regulation of sexuality, and a more expansive form of militarism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 97-123
Author(s):  
Faith Hillis

This chapter explores how the revolutionary utopias that unfolded in the Russian colonies influenced their European host societies. It argues that Russians became omnipresent—as both actors and symbols—in European discussions about the meaning of freedom. They played crucial roles in the discourse about refugees and asylum, in the creation of a new international left, and in the struggles for women’s rights and against empire. However, discussions about Russian radicalism also raised new concerns about the dangers of cross-border revolutionary networks and the threats that Russians posed to the very core values that Europeans had developed in dialogue with Russians.


Author(s):  
Amanda E. Donahoe

Gender, religion, and politics are closely intertwined, and both have a significant impact on international relations (IR). There is a large body of literature dedicated to the intersections between gender, religion, and IR, and they can be categorized into matters regarding female subordination, human rights and equality, and feminism and agency. Religion has been historically, traditionally, and androcentrically gendered both in practice and ideology. A good portion of the literature on the linkages between gender and religion in the IR context discusses the ways in which women have been subordinated within Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, and Hinduism. Their religious subordination can be linked to legal equality, and the different forms of subordinating women implicitly and often explicitly lead to the inequality of women. Scholars who address this issue vary widely between being critical of the religions that perpetuate inequality and a dearth of women’s rights, to arguing in support of religion but in critique of its application and cultural practice. In addition, as women’s rights are but one element of the international engagements of various forms of feminism, scholars also engage in a range of discussions on political agency and the critical analysis of gender from both within and without religious and secular feminisms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Rabia Aamir

The schism created between man and woman in recent times of some past centuries has generated critical debates in different social frameworks. In Pakistan’s context, the recently passed bill for women’s protection has garnered a debate about certain structured gender roles that need be addressed to alleviate the sexual polarization that has ensued. While some religious factions have their apparently patriarchal concerns to resolve the perpetration of anti-patriarchal discourse that this bill seemingly initiates, this paper explores the manifestations of very pertinent anti-feminist concerns that this bill ensconces in its text, the discussion of which is mandatory for the peace and stability of this society. Drawing interstitially from Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s concept of the subaltern in a postcolonial context, the questioning of the parochial double-bound concept of post-coloniality and womanhood by Sara Suleri, and the legacy of Islamic feminism are three possible modes of addressing these relevant trepidations in the Pakistani context. Using this multi-pronged approach as a theoretical framework, this exploratory paper impresses an imperative of deconstructing the textual implications initiated by such issues as raised in this bill. Validating the common grounds of the three adopted approaches, this study is an attempt at revealing a multiplicity of meanings for objective cognizance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-264
Author(s):  
Rosita Di Peri

Abstract The aim of this paper is to show that, despite the constitutional provisions that sanction the equality of all Lebanese, women’s rights in Lebanon are subject to different (social, religious and political) constraints. In a system characterised by a complex and often perverse interweaving of state norms, religious tribunal norms, society structure and politics, women’s rights have received little to no attention or protection. This is the result, we argue, of the institutionalisation of the communities in the 1900s that has created, over the years, a system of power that has increasingly aimed to exclude state sovereignty from specific areas. The creation of autonomous spaces of power exempt from constitutional dictates and state laws has given religious leaders enormous decision-making (and contractual) power that has contributed to creating systems parallel to the state to manage individuals’ lives. This has had major consequences, especially for women.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin Guse

Despite being neighbouring countries, Bolivia and Argentina appear to be a world apart in terms of economics, international relations, and women’s rights. Historically, women’s rights have been fairly similar in both countries, but while one country seemingly made “progress,” the other country appeared to be stagnating. By exploring violence against women, and the current state of contraception and abortion laws it becomes apparent that “progress” does not necessarily bring about social change.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110243
Author(s):  
Daniela Donno ◽  
Sara Fox ◽  
Joshua Kaasik

Democracy and women’s rights are integrally “bundled” by the international community. This means that dictatorships can signal adherence to international norms by demonstrating progress on gender equality, often in a manner that is consistent with the perpetuation of authoritarian rule. Using a new dataset of de jure advances in women’s rights, we show that dictatorships have vigorously enacted gender-related legislation, at a rate that surpasses democracies in the developing world. This pattern is shaped by international (Western) pressure: Among autocracies, foreign aid dependence and international nongovernmental organization shaming are associated with legal advances in women’s rights, but not with reforms in other, more politically costly areas related to elections, political competition, and repression. Our account therefore highlights selective compliance as a form of adaptation to international pressure and underscores the role of international incentives as a complement to domestic “bottom-up” pressure for women’s rights in dictatorships.


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