Might There Be Self-Directed Political Duties?

Duty to Self ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 139-159
Author(s):  
Paul Schofield
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
Liberal Tradition ◽  
State Coercion

This chapter discusses difficulties with the idea that there exist duties to the self that the state may paternalistically force a person to discharge. The liberal tradition typically prizes freedom, and so views with suspicion any suggestion that a person ought to be coerced for her own sake. State coercion is permissible only to realize right and justice, which are usually thought to regulate relationships between distinct persons. Since a person’s relationship to herself is typically not thought to be one regulated by right or justice, coercion of a person for her own sake has been consistently rejected within the liberal tradition.

Defending Political Duties to the Self

Duty to Self ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 160-194
Author(s):  
Paul Schofield
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
State Coercion ◽  
The Individual

This chapter argues for the existence of political duties owed to the self, which justify state coercion for the sake of the individual coerced. A person can pose a threat to her own freedom, and to her own ability to acquire what she is owed. Thus, a person’s relationship to herself raises concerns about both right and justice, thereby licensing the state to subject her to paternalistic policy, justified on liberal grounds. Paternalistic laws discussed include those outlawing tobacco, those limiting the amount of debt a person can take on, forced savings programs, and prohibitions on slavery contracts.

scholarly journals Against Public Reason’s Alleged Self-Defeat

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Bespalov
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
Coercive Power ◽  
Public Justification ◽  
State Coercion ◽  
Moral Justifications

AbstractMainstream political liberals hold that state coercion is legitimate only if it is justified on the grounds of reasons that all may reasonably be expected to accept. Critics argue that this public justification principle (PJP) is self-defeating, because it depends on moral justifications that not all may reasonably be expected to accept. To rebut the self-defeat objection, I elaborate on the following disjunction: one either agrees or disagrees that it is wrong to impose one’s morality on others by the coercive power of the state. Those who disagree reject PJP, they understand politics as war. Those who agree accept PJP, they understand politics as competition. Political competitors abide by PJP to avoid politics as war, by enforcing PJP on political combatants they engage in a war that is unavoidable. In both cases their exercise of political power has a justification that is reasonably acceptable to all.

scholarly journals La aplicación del artículo 155 de la Constitución a Cataluña. Un examen de su dudosa constitucionalidad

2018 ◽  
pp. 169-203
Author(s):  
Joan RIDAO MARTÍN
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
State Coercion ◽  
Regional Governments

LABURPENA: Kataluniako autogobernu-erakunde burujabeei Espainiako Konstituzioaren 155. artikulua aplikatu zaie modu aitzindarian. Artikulu horrek, hain zuzen, estatuaren hertsadura-mekanismoa xedatzen du, eta erabaki horrek, atzean dagoen gatazka politikoan eduki duen eraginaz harago, transzedentzia handia izan du konstituzio mailan. Horrenbestez, eta Estatuaren legezkotasuna eskualdeko gobernuen aurrean babesteko Konstituzioak dituen baliabideen legitimitatea zalantzan jarri gabe (estatu konposatu gehienen konstituzio-ordenamenduek ezartzen dituzte horrelakoak), orain arte ezagutu ez den Espainiako praxiaren berritasunak, horren inguruan zabaldu den eztabaidarekin batera, Konstituzioaren bidezkotasuna aztertzera bultzatzen gaitu: bai premisei, bai ezohiko baliabide horren babespean hartutako neurriei dagokienez. Azterketa hori eginda, gainera, zenbait akats antzeman daitezke; eta akats horiek, ziurrenik, konstituzio-kontrakotasuna azaleratzen dute. RESUMEN: La pionera aplicación del mecanismo de coerción estatal del artículo 155 de la Constitución Española a las instituciones de autogobierno de Cataluña ha tenido una evidente trascendencia constitucional, más allá de las repercusiones sobre el conflicto político que subyace en su fundamento. Así, sin poner en duda la legitimidad de los instrumentos constitucionales de protección de la legalidad estatal frente a la actuación de los gobiernos regionales, presentes en la mayoría de ordenamientos constitucionales de los Estados compuestos, la novedad que presenta la hasta ahora inédita praxis española, y la litigiosidad desatada al respecto, nos invita a realizar un examen de la justeza constitucional tanto de los presupuestos como de las medidas adoptadas al amparo de ese extraordinario recurso, con el resultado de que de ese escrutinio se derivan diversos vicios que determinan su más que probable inconstitucionalidad. ABSTRACT: The pioneering enforcement of the state coercion mechanism of article 155 of the Spanish Constitution to the self-government institutions of Catalonia has had an evident constitutional transcendence, beyond the implications on the political conflict that underlies its basis. Thus, without questioning the legitimacy of the constitutional instruments for the protection of State legality against the actions by regional governments, present in most of the constitutional systems of the composite States, the novelty presented by the hitherto unprecedented Spanish praxis, and litigation unleashed in this regard, invites us to scrutinize the constitutional fairness of both the principles and the measures adopted under this extraordinary measure, with the result that this scrutiny leads to various flaws that determine its more than likely unconstitutionality.

TAX FOR THE SELF-EMPLOYED: PROS AND CONS

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.S. Hasanova ◽  
R.R. Hatueva ◽  
A.L. Arsaev
Keyword(s):  
Income Tax ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Self Employment ◽  
Time Work ◽  
Part Time ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
Crisis Conditions ◽  
Part Time Work

This article discusses the pros and cons of applying professional income tax. Professional income tax is not mandatory, but an alternative way to pay 2 taxes on self-employment or part-time work. The introduction of this tax can mediate an increase in revenues to the state budget, which is of particular importance for the country in post-crisis conditions.

The Self-Undermining State

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjun Chowdhury
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Final Section ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
Central Authority ◽  
Interstate War ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Willingness To Sacrifice ◽  
The Cost

This chapter provides an informal rationalist model of state formation as an exchange between a central authority and a population. In the model, the central authority protects the population against external threats and the population disarms and pays taxes. The model specifies the conditions under which the exchange is self-enforcing, meaning that the parties prefer the exchange to alternative courses of action. These conditions—costly but winnable interstate war—are historically rare, and the cost of such wars can rise beyond the population’s willingness to sacrifice. At this point, the population prefers to avoid war rather than fight it and may prefer an alternative institution to the state if that institution can prevent war and reduce the level of extraction. Thus the modern centralized state is self-undermining rather than self-enforcing. A final section addresses alternative explanations for state formation.

Beyond Bias: Critical Analysis and Layered Reading of Mao-Era Sources

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-782
Author(s):  
Sigrid Schmalzer
Keyword(s):  
Gold Standard ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Layered Approach ◽  
Flea Markets ◽  
Mao Era

Abstract Scholars of Mao-era history adopt a wide range of approaches to the selection and treatment of source material. Some scholars regard published sources as propaganda, and therefore as biased and unreliable. For many, archival sources are the gold standard; others question the reliability even of the archive and favor materials that escaped the filtering fingers of the state to be found in flea markets or garbage piles. Avoiding the false choice of either accepting sources as received wisdom or dismissing them as biased, the author argues that how scholars read their sources is more important than which they keep and which they throw away. She advocates for a layered approach that accounts for contexts of production and circulation, and further emphasizes the need to make this process of reading sources visible in our writing. A critical, layered reading of three unlikely sources demonstrates the myriad possibilities for analysis that combines the empirical, the discursive, and the self-reflexive.

Organización y funcionamiento municipal y personal directivo público profesional

2017 ◽  
pp. 349-366
Author(s):  
Ignacio Javier ETXEBARRIA ETXEITA
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
State Legislation ◽  
Professional Managers ◽  
Government Capacity ◽  
Municipal Autonomy

LABURPENA: Euskadiko Toki Erakundeei buruzko Legeak udal-funtzionamendua eta -antolaketa arautzen ditu, eta udal-autonomia indartzen du, estatuko legediarekin erkatuta areagotu egin baitu tokiko entitateen autoantolakuntzarako gaitasuna, bidea emanez tokiko gobernuek modu gardenagoan joka dezaten eta hautetsiek lana eta familia hobeto uztar ditzaten. Legeak, horrez gain, tokiko gobernuak indartzea lortu nahi du, eta, horretarako, eskuordetze-teknikak jaso, eta modu aitzindarian arautu du zuzendari publiko profesionalen figura; oraingoz, hala ere, 40.000 biztanletik gorako udalerrietarako mugatu da. RESUMEN: La Ley de Instituciones Locales de Euskadi regula la organización y funcionamiento municipal y potencia la autonomía municipal al incrementar respecto a la legislación estatal la capacidad de autoorganización de las entidades locales posibilitando una actuación de los gobiernos locales más transparente y una mejor conciliación de la vida laboral y familiar de las corporativas y corporativos. La Ley busca asimismo potenciar los gobiernos locales y para ello incorpora técnicas de delegación y de forma pionera regula la figura de los directivos públicos profesionales si bien de momento limitada a los municipios con una población superior a los 40.000 habitantes. ABSTRACT: The Act on Local Entities of Euskadi regulates the municipalorganization and functioning and enhances the municipal autonomy by increasing as compared to the State legislation the self-government capacity of local entities enabling a more transparent operation by local governments and a better labour and family reconciliation of municipalities memberships. The Act also seeks to promote local governments and to do this it includes techniques of delegation and in a pioneer way it regulates the figure of public professional managers though only limited to those municipalities with a population exceeding 40.000 inhabitants.

scholarly journals The Political Asceticism of Mamata Banerjee: Female Populist Leadership in Contemporary India

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Proma Ray Chaudhury
Keyword(s):  
West Bengal ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leadership Models ◽  
Interpretive Analysis ◽  
Semistructured Interviews ◽  
Political Landscapes ◽  
Religious Iconography

Abstract Operating within the androcentric premises that support idealized models of populist leadership, self-representations cultivated by female populist leaders often involve precarious balancing acts, compelling them to appropriate contextualized traditionalist discourses and modes of power to qualify for conventional leadership models. This article engages with the stylistic performance of populist leadership by Mamata Banerjee of the All India Trinamool Congress in the state of West Bengal, India, focusing on her adoption of the discursive mode of political asceticism, nativist rhetoric, and religious iconography. Through an interpretive analysis of selected party documents, autobiography, and semistructured interviews with Banerjee's followers and critics, the article delineates Banerjee's populist self-fashioning as a political ascetic and explores perceptions of her leadership. The article argues that while the self-makings of female populist leaders remain fraught and contested, they contribute substantially toward redrawing the boundaries of both conventional leadership models and the broader political landscapes they inhabit.

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