Legal Status of Gymnasia

2021 ◽  
pp. 105-141
Author(s):  
Mario C. D. Paganini

This chapter focuses on the legal status and the financing of the gymnasia of Egypt. In the Greek poleis of Egypt, the gymnasium may have at first been run privately but subsequently controlled by civic magistrates; in the villages, the gymnasium always remained a private institution, organized and financed directly by their members, although it was more and more strongly embedded in the public life of its communities. A possible Macedonian model is suggested, on the basis of the evidence of the so-called gymnasiarchic law of Beroea and the later ephebarchic law from Amphipolis. The chapter also provides comparison with gymnasia in some selected areas of the Ptolemaic Empire (Cyrene, Thera, and Cyprus) and in the lands of the Seleucid Kingdom, in order to show how different legal traditions and statuses coexisted in the gymnasia of the Hellenistic world.

Author(s):  
_______ Naveen ◽  
_____ Priti

The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.


Author(s):  
Thomas Cartelli
Keyword(s):  

This chapter examines the commentative words and silences of the citizenry in Richard III, noting that although silence was customarily expected from commoners in the presence of the elite, it could also signify, in both Shakespeare’s version of Richard’s reign and Thomas More’s, the inscrutable resistance of a dissident citizenry. In London, citizen debate and discussion, informed and intelligent, comprised an important forum of Elizabethan public life; and in Shakespeare’s play, citizen non-compliance with the manipulative fabrications of Richard and Buckingham disrupts the performance/reception dynamic to undercut the bonding of the theatre’s citizen audience with the hitherto charismatic Richard. Though their speaking silence betokens the proud heritage of citizen resistance to royal and aristocratic presumption and contempt, Richard and Buckingham obtusely misread this as obtuseness, revealing themselves to be held in a kind of self-hypnosis by the public transcript, memorably subverted by Shakespeare.


Author(s):  
Mitch Kachun

The Conclusion ties together the book’s main arguments about Crispus Attucks’s place in American history and memory. We do not know enough about his experiences, associations, or motives before or during the Boston Massacre to conclude with certainty that Attucks should be considered a hero and patriot. But his presence in that mob on March 5, 1770, embodies the diversity of colonial America and the active participation of workers and people of color in the public life of the Revolutionary era. The strong likelihood that Attucks was a former slave who claimed his own freedom and carved out a life for himself in the colonial Atlantic world adds to his story’s historical significance. The lived realities of Crispus Attucks and the many other men and women like him must be a part of Americans’ understanding of the nation’s founding generations.


Author(s):  
Philippe Desan
Keyword(s):  

Montaigne’s public life extends over more than thirty years—from 1556 to 1588. His first career was as a member of the parlement from 1554 to 1570, one that reflected the desire of his father, Pierre Eyquem. After leaving his post of councilor in the parlement of Bordeaux, he displayed his diplomatic ambitions, which were not rewarded. In 1581, Montaigne was appointed mayor of Bordeaux for two years; he was reelected to this position in 1583. After his term of office ended, for a time he played the role of negotiator between Henry III and the leader of the Protestant party, Henry of Navarre. Imprisoned in 1588, he abandoned all political ambitions and ended his public life before retiring to his château. The public life of Montaigne allows us to consider the Essays as an attempt at political reappropriation in the aftermath of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day massacre.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 538
Author(s):  
Anita Kwartnik-Pruc ◽  
Anna Trembecka

Green space is essential for the implementation of the idea of sustainable urban development. This paper contains original research on the implementation of local government tasks in the development of public green space. The aim of this research was to analyse the actions taken by the municipal authorities regarding the development of public green space, including the acquisition of real properties, the regulation of their legal status, as well as the adoption of planning and programme documents. The Polish Central Statistical Office data on the public green space of the largest cities in Poland were analysed in order to determine the dynamics of changes. Then, the focus was placed on Krakow, where the authors analysed in detail the distribution and type of urban green space as well as the actions taken by the Municipality to both extend it and to protect it against building development. The criterion of green space accessibility to city residents was indicated as a necessary aspect to be considered in the overall assessment of the existing greenery. The conclusions include the assessment of the actions of the Krakow authorities and the observed trends in the development of public green space.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Calhoun

In this article I ask (1) whether the ways in which the early bourgeois public sphere was structured—precisely by exclusion—are instructive for considering its later development, (2) how a consideration of the social foundations of public life calls into question abstract formulations of it as an escape from social determination into a realm of discursive reason, (3) to what extent “counterpublics” may offer useful accommodations to failures of larger public spheres without necessarily becoming completely attractive alternatives, and (4) to what extent considering the organization of the public sphere as a field might prove helpful in analyzing differentiated publics, rather than thinking of them simply as parallel but each based on discrete conditions. These considerations are informed by an account of the way that the public sphere developed as a concrete ideal and an object of struggle in late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Britain.


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