The Making of a Terrorist, 1792–1794

Author(s):  
Jeff Horn

As Danton’s secretary and an activist in Paris, Alexandre Rousselin was baptized in Revolutionary violence during the September Massacres. With the establishment of the Republic, the hopes and fears of militants increasingly saw violence as justified to protect the Revolution. Rousselin emerged as a spokesperson for the popular movement when it demanded the arrest of a political faction known as the Girondins on 31 May 1793. This action helped him become an influential journalist and bureaucrat as an ad hoc system of governmental Terror was created. As part of that process, Rousselin was sent eastward to Champagne by the Committee of Public Safety in the fall of 1793. First in Provins and then in Troyes, Rousselin deployed novel instruments of popular pressure so widespread in Paris against recalcitrant populations that did not feel the same urgency. He became a terrorist for what he thought were the best of reasons.

2020 ◽  
pp. 230-240
Author(s):  
Ian Coller

This concluding chapter reveals that the question of Muslim citizenship and the role of Islam in the republic arose out of the Revolution itself. In short, it did not arise belatedly as a result of colonial and postcolonial Muslim migration to the metropole. Moreover, the results of that consideration can reveal much about the Revolution and its principles. The citizenship of Muslims was not only a contingent possibility but a necessary condition for liberty, equality, and fraternity to be universal principles rather than merely national ones. At the same time, at the heart of the Revolution, until the rupture of its principles in 1798, the Muslim path to citizenship had become a routine process, greeted with the indifference proper to a society of equals, leaving few traces, and for this reason there is no way to know with any exactitude how many individuals followed this path.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Paweł Matyaszewski

The authors of the revolutionary calendar, in particular Gilbert Romme and Fabre d’Églantine not only want to put the past behind by implicating a new time and new order but also try to prove the relation between history and nature using the example of the events of the Revolution and their compliance with the laws of the universe. They introduce an innovative nomenclature in order to specify the names of particular days and months but they do not change the natural four-season model of division. The goal of the presented idea is to enrich the natural cycle with a new content expressing the spirit and the objectives of the Republic while following the laws of nature.


1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Pilbeam

France has always envied Paris. A popular interpretation of the history of France has been of conflict between the capital and the provinces in which Paris was the victor, at least from the establishment of the system of intendants by Louis XIV in the late seventeenth century. Radical Paris took the lead in the revolutionary upheavals of the 1790s, in 1830, 1848 and 1870–1. The conflict of the 1790s produced civil and foreign war and led to an even greater domination by Paris through the centralizing policies of Napoleon Bonaparte as military dictator. Under his rule and subsequently, all officials - civil, judicial, military, religious and educational - were appointed by the government in Paris. The Council of State was a corner-stone of this policy in the capital, the departmental prefect in the provinces. In 1830 the results of the July Days were acceptable on the whole to the French; but in 1848 provincial France roundly rejected the radical social revolution favoured by intellectuals and artisans in Paris; in 1871 the Commune of Paris was virtually isolated in its decentralizing and social-reforming ambitions and suffered bloody defeat at the hands of the regular army. Apparently, then, 1830 was the last, and perhaps only, time in the nineteenth century that ‘Paris led, France followed.’ Was 1830 so unique, and if so, why? The Revolution of 1830 was unquestionably Parisian, in that events in the capital determined the timing and location of acts of significant revolutionary violence and in that the major political and administrative changes which followed the revolution were enacted in Paris. Should one therefore assume that the provinces were passive, that they had little impact on events? This revolution may neatly illustrate the success with which Louis XIV, Napoleon and others had centralized France, but that conclusion needs to be based on evidence, not assumption. The most recent complete analysis of the revolution concentrated on Paris, but also delineated some aspects of provincial unrest in 1830, making use of the local studies written for the centenary of the revolution. Some provincial and departmental histories describe the events of 1830 and their local impact.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209-238
Author(s):  
Faith Hillis

This chapter treats the Bolshevik revolution and first years of the Soviet regime as the final chapter of the émigré saga. It follows the alumni of the colonies as they returned to the colonies after the February 1917 revolution and examines how their experiences abroad influenced their later actions. The chapter shows how the Bolsheviks used the exile tradition of living the revolution and the close relationships they had formed abroad to consolidate their power. At the same time, it argues that longstanding antipathies imported from Europe intensified revolutionary violence, and that rival interpretations of what it meant to live the revolution advanced by other parties posed persistent challenges to Bolshevik hegemony.


1977 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 291-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Harms

Archives in the Republic of Zaire contain valuable documents for historical and ethnographic research, but finding these treasures often demands a great deal of perseverance and a certain amount of luck. Since the government archives in Kinshasa deal mainly with national administration, they generally have little to offer researchers interested in more localized topics. Although a small number of documents from the countryside have trickled into the Archives Nationales (housed in a wing of the fire station on Avenue de la Justice in Kinshasa), most of them remain dispersed throughout the network of regional, sub-regional, and zonal offices that form the core of the country's administrative system.Since policies regarding the conservation of archives and the granting of access to them are not uniform, but made on an ad hoc basis by the officials on the spot, conditions vary widely from place to place and from time to time but I should point out that during my research in the Bandundu and Equateur Regions in 1975-76, the officials with whom I worked were unfailingly helpful, though the quality of the collections varied greatly. Some archives had disappeared or fallen into disarray during the troubles of the early 1960s; yet others remained remarkably intact, although even in the best-kept archives, many older documents had been partially eaten by insects.


2012 ◽  
Vol 164 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-115
Author(s):  
Maciej MARCZYK

Polish soldiers have long participated in international operations under the auspices of various organizations, primarily the UN. However, since Poland’s accession to NATO and the adoption of our country to European Union, the activities of our military contingents have focused primarily on participation in international operations, organized by the two organizations and under the terms of their procedures. Poland, as part of joint and several actions to ensure common security, has actively been engaged in military operations and non-military missions of various international organizations, as well as local actions in the ad hoc coalition created. The degree of involvement and geographical areas are determined by the current capabilities of the armed forces and the clearly defined objectives coincide with the Polish raison d'etat, as defined in the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Polish and expressed in their efforts to strengthen Poland’s international position. This paper presents the results of research on the functioning of NEC communication network (the Polish military contingent) in military operations abroad. The research was carried out among the soldiers-specialists who were involved in international operations and it focused on the organizational requirements: the technical specifications for the NEC communication networks. Also, the research concerned the organization and operation of communication networks and its services as well as the means of communication and IT used by the staff, users, soldiers and NEC employees.


1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter James Shepard

To understand the real nature of the government which now, under its new constitution, is attempting to guide the German nation through the perils of reconstruction is indeed a baffling problem. We are as yet too close to the events which brought it into existence and clothed it with constitutional forms to attempt their evaluation or to determine their significance. The revolution was so unlike what we should have expected as necessary to shift the ultimate power in the state from a narrow military and landed oligarchy to the masses of the people, that a doubt forces itself upon us as to its genuineness. The war, with its shattering of national ideals, its appalling toll of life, the grinding misery which it imposed, and the insuperable financial bondage to which it condemned the nation for an indefinite future, might account for a thorough popular disillusionment which would sweep the nation into the current of democracy. But if this were the case, we would expect a general enthusiasm for the new government, an evident popular sense of the passing of the dark night of autocratic rule and a joy in the light of a new and happier day.This is exactly what does not exist. There are three classes in Germany today. The first, who constitute only a small minority, are the nationalists and militarists who are bitterly opposed to the republic, and even now are agitating at every favorable opportunity for the restoration of the monarchy in its old form. The second class are likewise a comparatively small minority. They are the revolutionaries, the Spartacists with some of the Independent Socialists, who are just as strongly opposed to the government, using wherever possible the instruments of direct action to inaugurate the revolution which they believe has not yet been achieved. The vast mass of the nation appear to be utterly indifferent with respect to forms of government.


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