Networked Collective Action and the Impeachment of President Park

2021 ◽  
pp. 73-98
Author(s):  
Hyunjin Seo

This chapter offers a detailed analysis of online and offline interactions and information exchanges that took place in organizing candlelight vigils in 2016–2017 that contributed to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye. Interactions between agents and affordances resulted in the nation’s first removal of a president through impeachment processes. Key agents—in particular, journalists, social media influencers, citizens, activists, news organizations, and civic organizations—interacted to produce, share, and amplify cognitive and affective content resulting in massive citizen participation in candlelight vigils for 20 consecutive weeks. It provides an in-depth analysis of these and related issues based on interviews with journalists, activists, citizens, government officials, and technology company representatives and experts. The interview data are triangulated using analyses of news reports and social media posts.

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-317
Author(s):  
Chipo Dendere

AbstractWhat is the impact of access to political party finance – money that parties use to fund their campaign activities – on politics in Africa? While multiparty elections have become more regular in the developing world, many opposition parties are still failing to win elections. This paper argues that poor access to political finance weakens democratic consolidation and negatively impacts the participation of less-resourced candidates who are unable to self-fund. As a result, opposition parties are forced to rely on weak promises of aid from international donors and unreliable state funding. This in-depth analysis of political finance, based on extensive interviews with politicians and government officials in Zimbabwe, political documents, news reports and a review of court cases, reveals that uneven financing has weakened opposition parties and serves as an extra advantage for incumbents.


Author(s):  
Rodrigo Sandoval-Almazan ◽  
J. Ramon Gil-Garcia

More than other information technology, social media has the potential to improve communication, participation, and collaboration between governments and citizens. The widespread use of Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and blogs among citizens has forced government officials to use these technologies to reach citizens, interact with them, and legitimate policies and public decisions. Despite this great potential and the relevance of social media in today’s society, there is still a relatively limited number of empirical studies that attempt to understand how governments are using these tools, particularly at the state and local levels. The main objective of this research is to understand how state governments are using Web 2.0 technologies and to provide some conceptual elements for future research in this area. Based on a longitudinal review of the 32 state Websites in Mexico and a more in-depth analysis of two cases, this chapter provides preliminary results on how state governments are using two of the most well known social media tools: Facebook and Twitter. The chapter highlights some differences and similarities among state governments. It also provides some initial ideas about how to develop a more comprehensive strategy for using social media tools and applications in state governments.


Author(s):  
Anouk Mols

Despite their recent emergence, WhatsApp neighbourhood crime prevention (WNCP) groups are an already pervasive phenomenon in the Netherlands. This study draws on interviews and focus groups to provide an in-depth analysis of the watchfulness and surveillance activities within these groups. The conceptualisation of WNCP through the lens of practice theory shows that the use of ICTs in the form of WhatsApp amplified all three dimensions of neighbourhood watchfulness practices. It examines how friction at the intersections of materialities, competencies, and meanings affect neighbourhood dynamics as well as the personal lives and experiences of people involved. While voluntary citizen participation in crime prevention leads to an increase in social support, feelings of safety, and active prevention of break-ins, it also defaults to forms of lateral surveillance which transcend digital monitoring practices. Pressing issues related to social media use, participatory policing, surveillance, and the normalisation of distrust and intolerance have an impact beyond its localised Dutch context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 124-143
Author(s):  
D.I. KAMINCHENKO ◽  

Modern digital technologies contribute to the emergence of new forms of social and political activity. One of these forms of participation is flash mob. Flash mobs are able to activate society for mass participation in various political events, which indicates the relevance and necessity of studying flash mobs as a modern form of citizen participation in social and political processes. The purpose of this study is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the flash mob from the standpoint of the intersection of several factors: technological, identification and motivational. The research methodology at the theoretical level is made up of the theory of the information society and the concept of “network identity”, on the empirical level - the method of sociological survey with the subsequent compilation of contingency tables. As a result of the study, it is established how widespread the practice of participation of active users of social media in various flash mobs is. Based on the data on the most significant opportunities for using social media, an interim conclusion is made about the existing motivational attitudes of the participants in flash mobs. Through the use of several determinants of network identity, a number of its properties are identified and considered, which are manifested in the communicative space of social media. It is established that the factor of participation / non-participation in the flash mob is not decisive in the manifestation of the properties of network identity.


Author(s):  
Yuming Zhang ◽  
Fan Yang

Companies use corporate social responsibility (CSR) disclosures to communicate their social and environmental policies, practices, and performance to stakeholders. Although the determinants and outcomes of CSR activities are well understood, we know little about how companies use CSR communication to manage a crisis. The few relevant CSR studies have focused on the pressure on corporations exerted by governments, customers, the media, or the public. Although investors have a significant influence on firm value, this stakeholder group has been neglected in research on CSR disclosure. Grounded in legitimacy theory and agency theory, this study uses a sample of Chinese public companies listed on the Shanghai Stock Exchange to investigate CSR disclosure in response to social media criticism posted by investors. The empirical findings show that investors’ social media criticism not only motivates companies to disclose their CSR activities but also increases the substantiveness of their CSR reports, demonstrating that companies’ CSR communication in response to a crisis is substantive rather than merely symbolic. We also find that the impact of social media criticism on CSR disclosure is heterogeneous. Non-state-owned enterprises, companies in regions with high levels of environmental regulations, and companies in regions with local government concern about social issues are most likely to disclose CSR information and report substantive CSR activities. We provide an in-depth analysis of corporate CSR strategies for crisis management and show that crises initiated by investors on social media provide opportunities for corporations to improve their CSR engagement.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136843022097475
Author(s):  
Samuel Hansen Freel ◽  
Rezarta Bilali ◽  
Erin Brooke Godfrey

In a three-wave longitudinal study conducted in the first 100 days of Trump’s presidency, this paper examines how people come to self-categorize into the emerging social movement “the Resistance,” and how self-categorization into this movement influences future participation in collective action and perceptions of the movement’s efficacy. Conventional collective action (e.g., protest, lobby legislators)—but not persuasive collective action (e.g., posting on social media)—and perceived identity consolidation efficacy of the movement at Wave 1 predicted a higher likelihood of self-categorization into the movement 1 month later (Wave 2) and 2 months later (Wave 3). Self-categorization into the Resistance predicted two types of higher subsequent movement efficacy perceptions, and helped sustain the effects of conventional collective action and movement efficacy beliefs at Wave 1 on efficacy beliefs at Wave 3. Implications for theory and future research on emerging social movements are discussed.


Author(s):  
Mary Angela Bock ◽  
Allison Lazard

Journalism critics have argued that transparency about the reporting process is an ethical imperative. Convergence offers news organizations opportunities for changed writing styles that may foster more transparency, especially as they embrace video storytelling. This project used two experiments to investigate the impact of transparent language on the way online news consumers perceive the credibility of video news reports. The study operationalized transparency in narrative as the use of first-person statements and references to the newsgathering process. Subjects noticed transparency statements but this had no significant effect on their assessment of the credibility of a story or reporter. The results suggest that transparency is a distinct variable with a complicated relationship to other audience effects.


Rural China ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-305

Agricultural collectivization was a movement in the early 1950s that profoundly changed the traditional methods of production and lifestyle in rural China. Drawing on original archives from Baoying county of Jiangsu province, this article delves into the actual implementation of, and resistance by different stratum of the peasantry to, this movement. The wealth of archival data and details included in this study shed light on the multifaceted realities of the movement that have been obscured in past studies, in particular, the complexity of the mentality of the peasants and their various forms of resistance, as well as the efforts by government officials to divide and put down the resistance forces and carry out the state’s policies. These data further enable an in-depth analysis of the basic issues about agricultural collectivization. It is shown that this movement was more than a transformation of economic institutions in the ordinary sense; it involved intense political struggles. 上世纪五十年代初开始的农业合作化运动深深改变了中国农民传统的生产生活方式。本文以江苏省宝应县的原始档案为依据,试图从底层的角度探究这一运动的具体实施过程,以及各阶层农民对这一运动的真实反应。本文以大量数据和细节揭示了农业合作化运动的多重面相,特别是以往研究中被忽视的部分,如农民对这一运动的复杂心态和种种抗争,以及当政者如何分化瓦解各种反对力量、步步推进其政策的过程。基于这些事实,本文就农业合作化运动中存在的基本问题进行了讨论,并提出这场运动已经超越了一般经济制度的改革,其实质是一场严峻的政治斗争。 (This article is in Chinese.)


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