The Tsunami Moment

2021 ◽  
pp. 75-102
Author(s):  
Julio F. Carrión
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Exponential Growth ◽  
Inflection Point ◽  
Dynamic Theory ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Media ◽  
First Moment ◽  
Bandwagon Effects

This chapter chronicles the populist candidate’s rise to power, which follows a pattern resembling exponential growth: it starts slowly and grows steadily until it reaches an inflection point that marks an unstoppable moment. The term tsunami describes the first moment in the dynamic theory of populism in power, when insurgent populist candidates are able to tap into the existing mass dissatisfaction with political institutions and take advantage of growing elite disarray. As they become significant contenders, their momentum increases; seen as potential winners by others, they generate bandwagon effects and fascinate the media. These aspiring populist leaders expand their appeal through different ways. Some politicians associated with the old order bet on them and offer their support. Populist candidates expand the electorate by politically activating new actors or social forces, or by mobilizing previously apathetic voters.

The elimination of violence and terrorism in Iraq strategy

2019 ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Terrorist Organization ◽  
The Media ◽  
Causes Of Crime ◽  
Religious Aspect

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.

Division de pouvoir et intégration social: de Montesquieu à la crise actuelle du parlementarisme

1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
André Vachet
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Social Division ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Vital Forces

Division of power and social integrationExplanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.

scholarly journals Paradigms of the Religious Network Society

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Adam Bajan
Keyword(s):  
Digital Media ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Exponential Growth ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Information Technologies ◽  
Media Use ◽  
Hierarchical Structures ◽  
Network Society ◽  
The Media ◽  
Individual Self

Beginning in the early 1970’s with the invention of the microprocessor, mass use of information technologies worldwide coincided with the appearance of a nodally-linked network of digital interconnectivity, or ‘network society’ (Castells, 1996). The network society’s exponential growth correlates with a rise in use of digital networking media by various sects and denominations of the Christian religion. Today, growing numbers of Christian organizations integrate digital media into both their approach to worship and the dissemination of the Holy Scriptures. This paper argues that the use of digital media by these organizations is indicative of the creation of a “religious network society” exhibiting identical structural paradigms to Castells’ (1996) network society. By virtue of the media deployed within it, the ‘religious network society’ fosters a mass culture of digital participation characterized by a rapid fragmentation of religious messaging and an over-sharing of personal religious beliefs. However, the religious network society also erodes Christianity’s hierarchical structures of authority (Turner, 2007). It is argued that these structures are being replaced with a banal form of religion emphasizing spirituality and individual self-expression at the expense of tradition (Campbell, 2012; Hjarvard, 2013). Moreover, purpose alterations to Christianity’s authority structures and approach to worship are indicative of a much larger shift in the religion, in which rising digital media use may in fact imply a decline in Christianity’s societal influence.

scholarly journals Red Economy, Blue Economy: How Media-Party Parallelism Affects the Partisan Economic Perception Gap

2020 ◽  
pp. 194016122092693
Author(s):  
Arjen van Dalen
Keyword(s):  
Real World ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Selective Exposure ◽  
Media System ◽  
State Of The Economy ◽  
Country Characteristics ◽  
Perception Gap ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
Economic Perceptions

Partisan identities do not only shape people’s political attitudes, but also their perceptions of real-world developments. This is evident from the partisan economic perception gap: Government supporters have more positive economic perceptions than opposition supporters, especially when the economic situation is ambiguous. Recent research has shown that the size of this partisan gap varies across different contexts and that the state of the economy and working of political institutions are important moderators. Still, little is known about the influence of another important contextual variable: the degree of partisanship in the media system. Based on a theoretical discussion of partisan-motivated rationalization and the information environment, the paper tests the hypothesis that, due to selective exposure and exposure to more partisan content, people in partisan media systems have more polarized economic perceptions. A multilevel analysis of representative surveys in twenty-six European countries in 2014 shows that the partisan perception gap is, indeed, larger in countries with more polarized media systems, after controlling for other relevant country characteristics. People with the highest level of media consumption are most affected by media-party parallelism. The findings are relevant for worldwide discussions about posttruth politics, as they show that the media environment influences gaps in people’s perceptions of real-world developments.

scholarly journals Trust and authority in the age of mediatised politics

2022 ◽  
pp. 026732312110726
Author(s):  
Anu Koivunen ◽  
Johanna Vuorelma
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Network Governance ◽  
Investigative Journalism ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Validity Claims ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Networked Publics

This article examines the role of trust in the age of mediatised politics. Authority, we suggest, can be successfully enacted despite the disrupted nature of the public sphere if both rational and moral trust are utilised to formulate validity claims. Drawing from Maarten A. Hajer's theorisation of authority in contemporary politics, we develop a model of how political actors and institutions as well as the media employ both rational and moral trust performances to generate authority. Analysing a Finnish case of controversial investigative journalism on defence intelligence, we show how the media in network governance need to critically evaluate the authority performances of political actors while at the same time enacting their own authority performances to retain their position within the governing network and to manufacture trust among networked publics. This volatile position can lead to situations where the media compete for authority with traditional political institutions.

scholarly journals Street Demonstrations and the Media Agenda: An Analysis of the Dynamics of Protest Agenda Setting

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (13-14) ◽  
pp. 2283-2313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Jennings ◽  
Clare Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Dynamic Theory ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Media Agenda ◽  
The Media ◽  
Sectional Analysis

This article argues that the agenda-setting power of protest must be understood in dynamic terms. Specifically, it develops and tests a dynamic theory of media reaction to protest which posits that features of street demonstrations—such as their size, violence, societal conflict, and the presence of a “trigger”—lead protest issues to be reported and sustained in the media agenda over time. We conduct a unique empirical analysis of media coverage of protest issues, based upon a data set of 48 large-scale street demonstrations in nine countries. Time-series cross-sectional analysis is used to estimate the dynamic effects of demonstration features on media coverage of the protest issue. The findings show that violence can increase media attention in the short term and larger protest size sustains it over the longer term. The agenda-setting power of protest is structured in time.

Of Blessings and Banes

2018 ◽  
pp. 131-162
Author(s):  
Santana Khanikar
Keyword(s):  
Field Work ◽  
Cultural Background ◽  
The State ◽  
Oral Narratives ◽  
Field Site ◽  
Literary Works ◽  
Physical Location ◽  
The Media ◽  
First Moment

Lakhipathar in Assam is defined as a margin due to both its lack of ‘order’ or ‘normalcy’ and its precarious physical location at the edges of the proclaimed territories of India. It is this unruly margin where the rebel organization ULFA fighting for Assam’s secession had its central head quarters. With the intention to introduce the field-site to the readers, here I discuss the socio-historical and geographical cultural background of the ULFA camp in Lakhipathar and go on to discuss how the media reported the first moment of conflict between the state and ULFA in Lakhipathar. I also discuss briefly the field-work anxieties of a researcher. The chapter draws on memory based oral narratives and personal observations in the field, archival sources, literary works, and newspapers of the time.

Language and citizenship

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommaso M. Milani
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Language Testing ◽  
The Body ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Semiotic Resources ◽  
The Media

The main argument advanced in this article that frames this special issue is that citizenship is not just a highly polysemic word employed by the media and other political institutions; it is also a set of norms and (linguistic) behaviours that individuals are socialised into, as well as a series of practices that social actors perform through an array of semiotic means including multilingualism, multivoicedness, the body, and affect. In light of this, it is proposed that the linguistic/discursive study of citizenship should be expanded beyond a rather narrow emphasis on political proposals about language testing to include the diverse, more or less mundane, ways in which citizenship is enacted via an array of multivocal, material, and affective semiotic resources.

Political Contest and Oppositional Voices in Postconflict Democracy

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charis Rice ◽  
Ian Somerville
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Design ◽  
Government Information ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Irish Context ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Politics

This article investigates how political institutions affect government–media relationships. Most studies of media-politics focus on majoritarian parliamentary or presidential systems and on how party systems affect journalism. This tends to neglect important issues that pertain in more constitutionally complex democracies, such as the consociational institutions in postconflict societies. Taking the Northern Irish context as a strategic case study, we analyze data from thirty-three semistructured interviews with the actors responsible for communicating political issues in Northern Ireland: political journalists and the two groups of government communicators, civil service Government Information Officers (GIOs) and Ministerial Special Advisers (SpAds). By examining their roles and relationships in this context, we demonstrate the importance of considering the institutional design of the democratic system itself when attempting to develop a more comprehensive and nuanced theory of media-politics. In Northern Ireland, the absence of an official political opposition in the legislature, together with the mandatory nature of the multiparty coalition, means that the media have come to be perceived by many political and media actors as the opposition. This in turn influences the interpersonal interactions between government and media, the way political actors try to “manage” the media, and the media’s approach to reporting government.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document