Burundi

Author(s):  
Marius Schneider ◽  
Vanessa Ferguson

Burundi is a landlocked country in the Great Lakes region where East and Central Africa meet. It is wedged between Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and Rwanda. It is a small country of 27,834 square kilometres (km) with a population of 10.8 million in 2017, making it the second most densely populated country in Africa. Since February 2019, Burundi has two capitals: Gitega is the political capital of Burundi while Bujumbura is the economic capital. Bujumbura is also the largest city is and hosts the only international airport, the Bujumbura International Airport. The biggest port of the country is situated on the Lake Tanganyika on the north-west side of Bujumbura. The working week is from Monday to Friday and the currency used is the Burundi Franc (BIF).

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
O. V. Lagutin ◽  
E. O. Negrov

The article deals with the assessment of the prospects of the political future by representatives of Russian youth. The text of the article has been prepared within the framework of the project “Potential of Youth Political Leadership in The Course of Political Socialization and Circulation of Elites in the Russia Regions in the 2010s (using the example of South-Western Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation), RFBR grant No. 18-011-01184. The relevance of the research is in combining a fundamental review of the main directions of research of the role of youth participation in the social and political process and the involvement of a specific empirical study conducted in the spring of 2019, which allows highlighting various aspects of the situation. The empirical part of the study is based on the study “Ideas of Youth about Possibilities of Youth Leaders and Youth Organizations in Russia”, which was conducted in spring 2019 in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation — Altai Territory, Leningrad and Novosibirsk Regions and St. Petersburg. The method of research was a personal standardized interview, the sample size was 1000 respondents (250 in each of the regions), representatives of young people aged 14 to 30 permanently reside in the territory of the studied subjects of the federation. Based on factor and cluster analyzes, the main models of expectations of the political future are presented. The article should be of interest to researchers, both professionally involved, and simply interested in the topic of the influence of the real political process on such a significant group of the population as youth.


2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorota Richter ◽  
Jan Matuła

Abstract This paper describes in detail the phenotypic traits of the newly discovered Leptolyngbya sieminskae sp. n. (Cyanobacteria). The species was found at two islands of the Svalbard archipelago (Spitsbergen and Nordaustlandet) in habitats which differed in humidity, water sources and altitude. The research was conducted at two fjords: on the southern side of Spitsbergen - Hornsund (77ºN, 015ºE) and the north−west side of Nord− austlandet - Murchisonfjord (80ºN, 018ºE). Although Leptolyngbya sieminskae was found in different latitudes no significant morphological differences were found between the specimens from both sites. The only visible difference is in the thickness of filaments and sheaths.


Author(s):  
Gertrud Dietze-Mager

The Politeiai are one of Aristotle’s historical works. Several hundreds of fragments have come down to us. While Aristotle’s Nomima barbarika recorded the customs of the barbaric ethne, the Politeiai are generally considered to be a collection of polisconstitutions. A closer look reveals, however, that alongside a majority of Greek poleis Aristotle also included several ethne in his Politeiai, namely those in the North(west) of the Greek mainland and on the Peleponnesus. This article tries to shed light on Aristotle’s reasons for selecting these ethne. On the basis of key passages in the Politics, the author argues that their presence in the Politeiai indicates that Aristotle considered them as Hellenic, and, although inferior in status to the polis, capable of having a politeia. In Aristotle’s time, nearly all of the ethne known to have been included in the Politeiai had formed koina. While Aristotle did not explicitly discuss the federal state, he acknowledged its existence both in the Politics and the Politeiai, obviously inspired by the political reality of his time in which the koina played an increasingly prominent role, illustrated by their presence as members in Hellenic treaties alongside the poleis.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Richards ◽  
John Reed

Purpose – The purpose of this study is to evaluate how social capital is developed in a third sector organisation based in the north-west of England, a small food cooperative run by volunteers. Social capital comprises the bonds, bridges and linkages that hold together societal members, and it can be considered to be a precursor of economic capital. Design/methodology/approach – Qualitative data were collected through interviews with key informants, observations and documents. Data were analysed using either a template or a thematic analysis to identify aspects of social capital development. Findings – A model of the interactions between and within the three main stakeholder groups involved in the cooperative is presented. This model shows how these interactions can develop social capital, and it discusses how potential deficits in social capital can occur. Research limitations/implications – The findings have practical and theoretical implications, in that they may better equip third-sector organisations to understand how social capital is developed. Originality/value – This is one of few practical studies of social capital development in a social enterprise and provides valuable insights into the processes by which this is done.


2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
André-Louis Sanguin

Following upon the Third Conference on the Law of the Sea begun in 1973, the principal maritime States of the world assumed exclusive national jurisdiction over a 12- mile zone extending from their coastlines and a 188-mile economic zone beyond territorial waters. Together they constitute the more familiarly referred to « 200-mile zone ». This new practice radically changed the political geography of the oceans, lessened the area within which the freedom of the seas exists, diminished by more than a third the surface area of the high seas and dealt a heavy blow to the fishing xpeditions of foreign trawlers. Canada is one of the principal users and one of the most vigourous defenders of the 200-mile principle for geographical reasons as much as for economic or political ones. The excessive exploitation of the seabed has been felt to be a threat for a portion of the population of the Eastern part of Canada. A firm policy criticized for being somewhat unilateral has enabled Canada to eliminate foreign fleets from its 200-mile zone. Over a period of 30 years the International Commission for North-West Atlantic Fisheries (ICNAF) attempted to introduce a positive international cooperation in order to eliminate the anarchic excessive exploitation. It was replaced in 1979 by the North-West Atlantic Fisheries Organization. A major dispute exists between France and Canada with respect to the delimitation of the economic zone of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon, French land since 1604. More generally, the question is posed as to how long the 200-mile principle will prevail in this new political geography of the oceans.


1890 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 553-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Rupert Jones

In Professor Henry Drummond's “Tropical Africa,” 8vo. London, 1888, pp. 183–199 are occupied with an interesting “Geological Sketch” of the country between the Zambesi River (about 18° S. Lat.) and the Tanganyika plateau (about 3° S. Lat.), his own observations having been made along a route from Kilimane on the coast, to the Shiré, and up that river, by Lake Shirwa and Lake Nyassa, to Karonga (or Karonga's village) on the north west shore near the end of the lake; and thence through the Uchungu district, for about 70 miles, in a part of the Tanganyika plateau.


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