‘Our own policy is well known to you’

2021 ◽  
pp. 16-51
Author(s):  
David Thackeray ◽  
Richard Toye
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
High Regard

Election addresses emerged in the nineteenth century from a vibrant tradition of broadsides, ballads, and hustings speeches. Following the ending of formal hustings meetings in 1868, the issue of election addresses acted as the formal start of the campaign, and became the key means for candidates to set out their cause. The high regard in which this form of election literature was held owed much to the actions of party leaders. From the 1860s onwards the election addresses of Gladstone and Disraeli were widely circulated by newspapers and in pamphlet form, and came to be commonly referred to as ‘manifestos’. While candidates commonly took inspiration from party leaders’ manifestos, these addresses were often brief statements of principle, which did not outline a formal programme for government. The nascent Labour Party offered novel ways of ‘doing politics’, centring each of their election campaigns around a manifesto programme.

Accession, Renegotiation, Referendum, 1973–1975

2020 ◽  
pp. 109-137
Author(s):  
Stephen Wall
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
First Year ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The Press ◽  
Oil Crisis ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Year Of Europe

The first year of Britain’s EEC membership did not run smoothly. The Americans unilaterally declared it ‘the Year of Europe’. Heath was accused by Kissinger of destroying the special relationship. The Arab–Israeli war caused an oil crisis in which the UK, relatively unscathed, did not help her partners. Early in 1974, Heath lost a General Election and was replaced by Wilson. Wilson and Foreign Secretary Callaghan faced a divided Cabinet and Labour Party as they set about renegotiating the terms of Britain’s EEC membership. The improvements they secured, after a second General Election in October 1974, were slight but enough to get the deal through the Cabinet. Labour Ministers campaigned in the referendum on opposite sides, but support for remaining from all the main Party leaders and the Press helped secure a significant majority for staying.

scholarly journals “Modest but Well-Deserved Claims”: The Friendship of Samuel Fox and Joseph Bosworth and the Study of Anglo-Saxon in the Nineteenth Century

2018 ◽  
Vol 78 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 228-261
Author(s):  
Daniel Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
High Regard ◽  
Insight Into

Abstract Joseph Bosworth’s copy of Samuel Fox’s 1835 edition of The Metres of Boethius, presented to him by the editor, contains (pasted to the covers) a fragmentary record of the correspondence between the two men which must have extended from 1833 until Fox’s death in 1870. Partial and short as it is, this record of the two men’s correspondence, read in the context of other contemporary documents, gives an interesting (and sometimes amusing) insight into the practice of Anglo-Saxon scholarship in the period. This article will present the letters in this context, and examine the lasting friendship and collaboration of Fox and Bosworth against a backdrop of controversy, religious dispute, and patriotic fervour. In so doing, this article will also consider the legacy of Samuel Fox, a scholar now routinely marginalized in histories of the discipline, but who was held in high regard by at least some of his contemporaries.

Candidate Selection in the Labour Party: What the Selectors Seek

1983 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bochel ◽  
David Denver
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Democratic Societies

Elections in democratic societies are open, well-publicized events. But preceding the glamour of modern election campaigns and the drama of election-night broadcasts there is a process which usually receives little attention or publicity. Political parties, which dominate elections, choose their candidates.

‘A very thriving place’: the peopling of Swansea in the eighteenth century

Urban History ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT ANTHONY
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Urban Development ◽  
Population Change ◽  
Rank Order ◽  
Physical Development ◽  
High Regard ◽  
The Town

In this article, the town of Swansea is suggested as an exemplar of pre-nineteenth-century Welsh industrial and urban development. Small in comparison with English towns, Swansea in 1801 had nevertheless risen up the Welsh urban rank-order to stand second only, in terms of population, to the industrial boomtown Merthyr Tydfil. Contemporary descriptions of Swansea as ‘Copperopolis’, ‘the Metropolis of Wales’, ‘the Mecca of Nonconformity’ and ‘the Brighton [or Naples] of Wales’ reflect the range of its functions at this time, and the high regard in which the town was held, both by its inhabitants and by visitors. Such a town inevitably attracted settlers and this article also examines eighteenth-century population change, the scale of immigration and the provenance of the settlers, and attempts to link the influx with the physical development of the town.

scholarly journals The Labour Party and Education for Socialism

1969 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Barker
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Educational Reform ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Sunday Schools ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Better Than

No socialist since Robert Owen has had any excuse for being unaware of the relationship between educational reform and social and political change, and a perception of this relationship was a feature of nineteenth century socialism and liberalism. The attention which the educational principles and policies of socialist, labour, and radical movements in Europe have recently received has thus been well deserved. The socialists have however come off better than those organisations which have been designated as merely “labour”, and two valuable contributions to the literature dealing with Great Britain – Professor Simon's Education and the Labour Movement, 1870–1920, and Dr Reid's article on the Socialist Sunday Schools – are concerned with the programmes and beliefs of left wing socialist bodies, rather than with those of the ideologically more diffuse but politically more important Labour Party. Both these contributions may perhaps profitably be placed in a new perspective by an examination of the attitudes adopted within the Labour Party and within its industrial half-brother the Trades Union Congress, to the problems raised by the content and character, as opposed to the structure and organisation, of the education available to the working class.

scholarly journals Luther i den moderna lutherdomens tjänst

2022 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leif Svensson
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Careful Analysis ◽  
Considerable Distance ◽  
High Regard

There are plenty of misconceptions about how the Luther Renais­sance in Sweden relates to Albrecht Ritschl and nineteenth-century German Luther research. This article sheds new light on the importance of Ritschl's groundbreaking Luther interpretation to the first generation of the Swedish Luther Renaissance, as represented by its leading voices – Einar Billing and Nathan Söderblom. I demonstrate that there are substantial similarities between how Ritschl, Billing, and Söderblom approach and make use of Luther's thought. They all combine a careful analysis of Luther's theology with an interest in understanding his role in history. And despite their high regard of Luther as the great Protestant reformer, Ritschl, Billing, and Söderblom at times show a considerable distance to his thinking. It is also evident that they found solutions to contemporary questions and challenges in Luther's writings. Their constructive use of Luther is, I further argue, closely related to a positive reception of histor­ical criticism and an ambition to make Lutheranism relevant to modern society. This to a large extent explains why Ritschl, Billing, and Söderblom have a freer attitude towards Luther than many of their Lutheran col­leagues, and also why they emphasize those aspects of his theology that they consider especially fruitful for modern society.

Post as Much and as Diversely as Possible

2019 ◽  
pp. 983-1004
Author(s):  
Alem Maksuti ◽  
Tomaž Deželan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Message Delivery ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Different Types

The daily interaction between political parties and voters is a driving force in election campaigns and can influence their outcomes. The theory of campaign intensity holds that the timing of message delivery in an election campaign is a key component of the strategies used by political actors. However, this theory also warns political actors to be cautious about the timing of different types of messages sent during the election campaign. Our objective is to examine the intensity and types of messages Slovenian political actors communicated through Twitter during different stages in the 2014 national election campaign. Our study conducts a content analysis of 7,113 tweets posted during the last four weeks of the official election campaign. It includes 17 official accounts of Slovenian parties, party leaders, and influential party twitterians. The results indicated that the stage of the campaign and the differences between established and fringe political parties significantly influenced the intensity of Twitter communications during the study period. The results also revealed that the political actors tweeted different types of political messages (e.g., to inform and to persuade voters) during different stages of the campaign.

Shoring Up Partisan Control: The Speakership Elections of 1839 and 1847

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Small Group ◽  
National Party ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Antebellum Period

This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1839 and 1847, each of which highlighted the conflicting impulses of party and region at a time when national party leaders were striving for greater organization over House affairs. It explores the dynamics of roll call votes once the House began electing Speakers and other officers through viva voce voting, first in the 26th Congress (1839–1841), when the officer choices were dictated by a small group of nominal Democrats led by John C. Calhoun, and then in the succeeding four Congresses. The chapter also considers whether the coalition that elected Speakers in the early nineteenth century could look like a governing coalition, or even a procedural cartel. It shows that controlling the speakership was no guarantee of controlling the floor for the remainder of the antebellum period.

Research Note: “Negative” Personalization: Party Leaders and Party Strategy

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Pruysers ◽  
William Cross
Keyword(s):  
Research Note ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Negative Campaigning ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Party Strategy ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Campaign Communication ◽  
Personalization Of Politics

AbstractWhile the negative campaigning literature has witnessed tremendous growth in recent years, the precise targets of campaign negativity have not been fully explored, as candidates and their parties are largely treated as the same target. Likewise, although scholars are increasingly writing about the personalization of politics, this literature has not considered whether parties can “personalize” their opponents by focusing their messaging and attacks more on individual leaders than the parties they lead. In an attempt to bridge the gap between these two literatures, we develop the concept of negative personalization. Negative personalization, as we define it, is an emphasis on opposing party leaders in campaign communication more so than on the parties that they lead. Exploring recent election campaigns in Canada's largest province, we document the extent to which parties engage in negative personalization and suggest hypotheses for the factors leading to increased negative personalization.

All Politics Are Local: Another Look at the 1890s

2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Peter H. Argersinger
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Local State ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Party ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Judicial Intervention ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Although rarely considered by historians, legislative and congressional apportionments were among the most important, absorbing, and contentious political issues of the late nineteenth century. Local, state, and national party leaders struggled to shape apportionments and thereby secure disproportionate influence for the counties, districts, and states their followers controlled. Gerrymanders, in turn, not only distorted representation but often incited a furious opposition, which disrupted legislative bodies, transformed political campaigns, and ultimately produced unprecedented judicial intervention. In surveying these overlooked developments, this essay points to important questions that historians must hereafter address.

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