Paul Muldoon’s Onomastics

2020 ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Mia Gaudern
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish

This chapter explores Muldoon’s use of names, of both people and places, in the contexts of Northern Irish conflict and traditional Irish name lore. It addresses the political and poetic implications of Muldoon’s commitment to the proverb nomen est omen, focusing on instances of dinnseanchas, charactonymy, prosopopoeia, the transferral of names, and name translation. Naming is an etymological event in the sense that names are chosen from a language for a new purpose; their subsequent relationship to that language is paradoxical, as Derrida shows in ‘Des Tours de Babel’. In Muldoon, any temptation to interpret names from within the language—to see names as omens—is itself ominous.

scholarly journals Bodily abjection and the politics of resistance in Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Open Channel ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Status ◽  
Politics Of Resistance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.

George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Post-Conflict Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
pp. 259-276
Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Post Conflict

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.

Workers Entering the Prison

Qui Parle ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-372
Author(s):  
Christopher McGowan
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Care Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hunger Strike ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Disciplinary Power ◽  
Affective Dimensions

Abstract This article argues that Steve McQueen’s Hunger (2008) represents an unexpected but compelling mutation of the genre of postindustrial labor film. Hunger depicts the protests of Irish republican prisoners inside the Maze Prison that culminated in the 1981 Irish hunger strike. At the same time, the film develops an extended representation of the labor of the prison workers who beat, humiliate, care for, and counsel the prisoners throughout the protests. By combining and reworking the genres of labor film, prison film, and Irish Troubles film, Hunger imagines the prison as a microcosm of a deindustrialized Northern Irish economy where labor has left the factory and become conjoined to the disciplinary power of the state, either as police work or as care work. In this way, Hunger attends to the “spirit” of what Lenin called the “labor aristocracy,” here reduced to the work of maintaining the very boundary between itself and those excluded from it. McQueen’s attention to the body and to the affective dimensions of labor and struggle, the article argues, allows Hunger to achieve a uniquely committed, totalizing representation of the political economy of Northern Ireland.

scholarly journals El impacto del Brexit sobre el estatus jurídico-político de Irlanda del Norte: ¿una oportunidad para la reunificación de Irlanda?

2017 ◽  
pp. 59-98
Author(s):  
Eneko COMPAINS SILVA
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
Irish Society ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Political Status

LABURPENA: Idazlan honen helburua Brexit-ak Ipar Irlandan uzten duen eskenatokiaren azterketa egitea da, aintzat hartuta Brexit-a Ipar Irlandako herritarren gehiengoaren aurka gauzatuko dela. Horretarako, lehenik, lurralde honek egun duen estatus juridiko-politikoaren azalpena egingo da. Bigarrenik, Brexit-aren ondorio juridiko-konstituzionalen azalpena egingo da, bereziki erreparatuz Ipar Irlandak hura frenatu edota baldintzatzeko dituen tresnei. Hirugarrenik, azken hauteskundeen ondotik geratu den eskenatoki politikoaren azalpena egingo da; eta azkenik, ondorio moduan, etorkizunari begirako aukerak aztertuko dira. ¿Brexit-ak Irlandaren batasunera hurbiltzen gaitu? ¿Erreferendumik egongo da? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo analiza el incierto escenario que deja en Irlanda del Norte el Brexit, que cuenta con el rechazo de la mayoría ciudadana norirlandesa. Para ello, se explicará primeramente cuál es el estatus jurídico-político que tiene Irlanda del Norte a día de hoy. En segundo lugar, se explicarán las implicaciones jurídico-constitucionales del Brexit así como las herramientas legales que tiene Irlanda del Norte para frenarlo o condicionarlo. En tercer lugar, se analizará el escenario político que queda en la isla tras las últimas elecciones; y en cuarto y último lugar, a modo de conclusión, se analizarán las opciones de futuro. ¿Nos acerca el Brexit a la unidad de Irlanda? ¿Habrá referéndum? ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to analyze the uncertain scenario that Brexit, which is rejected by a majority of the Northern-Irish society, leaves in Northern Ireland. With this purpose, we first explain the legal-political status of Northern Ireland nowadays. Secondly, we explain the legal and constitutional implications of the Brexit as well as the legal tools that Northern Ireland has to curb or condition it. Thirdly, we analyze the political scenario that remains on this devolved region after the last elections; and finally, we analyze future options. Are we approaching the unity of Ireland? Will there be a referendum?

scholarly journals ‘The Troubles' and the peace process in Northern Irelanda in Seamus Heaney’s "The cure at Troy"

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan José Cogolludo Díaz
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Seamus Heaney ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Sectarian Violence ◽  
The Future ◽  
Irish People

Based on Philoctetes, the tragic play by Sophocles, the poet Seamus Heaney creates his own version in The Cure at Troy to present the political and social problems in Northern Ireland during the period that became known euphemistically as ‘the Troubles’. This paper aims to highlight the significance of Heaney’s play in the final years of the conflict. Heaney uses the classical Greek play to bring to light the plight and suffering of the Northern Irish people as a consequence of the atavistic and sectarian violence between the unionist and nationalist communities. Nevertheless, Heaney also provides possible answers that allow readers to harbour a certain degree of hope towards peace and the future in Northern Ireland.

The Right to March Parading a loyal Protestant Identity in Northern Ireland

1996 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 373-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
General Nature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Political Resource ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Rituals

AbstractRiots taking place in the Northern Irish town of Portadown are analysed in the context of the 'right to march'. The paper concentrates specifically on the demands by a number of Protestant organisations that they should be allowed to parade along roads which they have followed for many years despite the objections of a large majority of the Roman Catholic, Nationalist community living along parts of the route. To understand fully these disputes it is necessary to examine the political and social situation that pertains to a particular time and place. The paper will also draw on comparative material in order to explore the general nature of political rituals since they are also elements of what took place locally which are common to most societies. I particularly wish to reject any notion that ethnic groups in N. Ireland are in some way trapped by their history since, on the contrary, research into public rituals such as these parades reveals the ways in which they are used as a dynamic political resource through changing historical circumstances.

scholarly journals Brian Friel in Spain: An Off-Centre Love Story

2021 ◽  
pp. 110-124
Author(s):  
María Gaviña-Costero ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Basque Country ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Faith Healer ◽  
Brian Friel ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Love Story ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Selection Of

Spanish theatres are not prolific in the staging of Irish playwrights. However, the Northern Irish writer Brian Friel (1929-2015) has been a curious exception, his plays having been performed in different cities in Spain since William Layton produced Amantes: vencedores y vencidos (Lovers: Winners and Losers) in 1972. The origin of Friel’s popularity in this country may be attributed to what many theatre directors and audiences considered to be a parallel political situation between post-colonial Ireland and the historical peripheral communities with a language other than Spanish: Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia; the fact is that the number of Catalan directors who have staged works by Friel exceeds that of any other territory in Spain. However, despite the political identification that can be behind the success of a play like Translations (1980), the staging of others with a subtler political overtone, such as Lovers (1967), Dancing at Lughnasa (1990), Molly Sweeney (1994), Faith Healer (1979) and Afterplay (2001), should prompt us to find the reason for this imbalance of representation elsewhere. By analysing the production of the plays, both through the study of their programmes and interviews with their protagonists, and by scrutinising their reception, I have attempted to discern some common factors to account for the selection of Friel’s dramatic texts.

Contrary Regionalisms and Noisy Correspondences: The BBC in Northern Ireland circa 1949

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-43
Author(s):  
Damien Keane
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Cultural Regionalism ◽  
Dynamic Interplay

This essay examines the limits and possibilities of the mid-century broadcasting field in Northern Ireland, by attending to the dynamic interplay at the BBC's Belfast station of three competing regional formations: the political regionalism of the Northern Irish state; the cultural regionalism of a coterie of Northern Irish writers and intellectuals; and the broadcasting regionalism instituted as part of the BBC's policy of national programming. These contrary regionalisms each had different and, at times, competing criteria for what constituted particular and typical details of life in the North, and broadcasters had to negotiate the inexact correspondences among them with ears tuned to the political relations triangulated by Belfast, Dublin, and London. Beginning with a consideration of how broadcasters in Northern Ireland produced forms of mediated actuality both in and beyond the studio, the essay concludes with Sam Hanna Bell's This is Northern Ireland (1949), a feature that explores the tension of overspill and containment effected less by the partition of Ireland than by the contradictions inherent to the broadcasting field.

Irish Students' Stereotypes About Some National and Subnational Groups Within Ireland and Great Britain

1979 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy McTiernan ◽  
Robert Knox
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
Response Format ◽  
Check List ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Free Response ◽  
The Social ◽  
Irish Catholics ◽  
Political Border

A sample of Irish undergraduates was asked to characterize the English, Irish, Welsh, Scots, Northern Irish Catholics, Northern Irish Protestants, Southern Irish Catholics, and Southern Irish Protestants using both a check list and a free response format. Analyses of the social and personal stereotypes indicated that the English were described in different and significantly less favorable terms than the Irish. The enmities and strife in Northern Ireland were reflected in the stereotypes about the subnational Irish groups. While Catholics and Protestants, on both sides of the political border, were seen to be different from each other, these differences were overshadowed by the distinctions between the Northern and Southern groups. Both of the Northern irish targets were characterized in much less favorable and much less differentiated terms than their Southern counterparts. The implications of these findings were discussed.

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