The Financial Crisis as a Turning Point for Constitutional Rights Jurisprudence

Author(s):  
Elaine Dewhurst

In 2008, Ireland faced an economic crisis without parallel in its recent history. To address this crisis, a large programme of financial assistance was obtained from the European Union and the IMF, and the Irish government set about the process of reforming the structure and financing of social security benefits and the healthcare system to ameliorate the effects of the crisis. While much can be said about the legislative reforms, their rationale, necessity, and impact, this chapter addresses the legacy of the crisis on the Irish constitutional system and, particularly, on the Irish constitutional protection of social rights (or lack thereof). Following an analysis of the limited case law surrounding the reforms imposed during the economic crisis, it is contended that the economic crisis had the effect of highlighting the lack of explicit constitutional protection of social rights, a deficiency which in turn created an opportunity for the utilisation of other existing and emerging constitutional rights. While the future of social rights in the Irish Constitution is still unclear, it is evident that the economic crisis has left an indelible mark on the Irish constitutional landscape.

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amalie Frese

Abstract Income inequality is at an all-time high in the Europe Union (EU). Implications from the economic crisis which broke out in 2008, and in particularly the austerity measures introduced by Governments in Eurozone countries receiving bailout programmes, created further inequalities, for example between men and women. This paper starts from the hypothesis that whereas other institutions in the EU have played a direct role in tackling the economic crisis, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) may have played a more indirect role, which nonetheless can have an overlooked value in particular for setting direction for legal norms of equality and anti-discrimination in Europe. The paper therefore addresses a legal-empirical question: To what extent does the anti-discrimination case law of the CJEU reflect the increased inequalities in Europe following the economic crisis? Based on a dataset of all anti-discrimination cases of the CJEU, I conduct a quantitative analysis of changes in the case law from before to after the economic crisis. I find that there is only weak evidence, which suggests that the case law of the CJEU reflects the increased inequalities following the economic crisis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 370-385
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Ferrante

The European Union competences on health and safety of workplace constituted the legal basis for the 93/104 Directive to be adopted (and for the consolidated text of 2003/88 Directive). The Court of Justice has firmly maintained this approach refusing to take into account the history of international regulation on working time, which links together work and salary in perspective to give the workers the right to fair and equal treatment as regards their working conditions (as has been recently proclaimed also by the European Pillar of Social Rights). Building on these general premises, this article analyses the more recent European pieces of legislation and cases related to on-call time and proposes a new model for the definition of working time in the light of CJEU case law.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 4-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Mantu ◽  
Paul Minderhoud

Political debates concerning the free movement of (poor) EU citizens (mainly from the newer EU Member States) have focused upon the twin issues of abuse of free movement rights and welfare tourism, despite the lack of meaningful evidence that the two are actually taking place on a wide scale in the EU. This article discusses the increasing political contestation of EU mobility as captured by notions such as, welfare tourism and poverty migration. The analysis of the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union on issues of social rights and EU citizenship shows a noticeable shift towards stricter interpretations of the scope of social solidarity for mobile EU citizens. We argue that the coupling of these two aspects of EU mobility raises questions about the scope of EU citizenship and its nature as a fundamental status.


Author(s):  
Espinosa Manuel José Cepeda ◽  
Landau David

This chapter looks at the Court’s extensive jurisprudence on social rights. The Colombian Constitution of 1991 contains a long list of social rights, however it was initially unclear to what extent they were justiciable. The Constitutional Court quickly established that they could be litigated in many circumstances, and has since developed case law reaching across many different domains. This chapter considers, for example, the Court interventions in the rights to health, housing, and water. It also reviews the Court’s response to the economic crisis of the late 1990s, in which it weighed the need for austerity against the rights of homeowners and civil servants. Finally, it looks at the Court’s major structural injunctions and ongoing supervision on certain large-scale public problems, including the rights of internally displaced persons and the structure of the healthcare system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 353-362
Author(s):  
Anne Pieter van der Mei

This contribution presents an overview of the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the period April–September 2017 on social security matters. The relevant rulings concern first and foremost the rules determining the applicable legislation as enshrined in Regulation 883/2004 and Regulation 1408/71. In addition, the Court of Justice has delivered important rulings concerning posted worker and the binding effect of A1 certificates, the social security rights of third country nationals holding a single-permit and the protection of social rights in the context of financial crisis and austerity measures.


Author(s):  
Joan Solanes Mullor

Un rasgo distintivo del Estado de las Autonomías es el reconocimiento de la autonomía política de las CCAA y, consustancial a ella y a la vez instrumento necesario para hacerla posible sobre todo en su vertiente de la potestad de gasto, también la autonomía financiera. El ordenamiento constitucional español ha amparado esta autonomía, tanto a nivel textual como a través del moldeamiento del Tribunal Constitucional. Sin embargo, la Unión Económica y Monetaria (UEM) ha comportado una transformación sustancial de la perspectiva constitucional de la autonomía financiera, en su vertiente de la potestad de gasto, de las CCAA. Este artículo explora esta transformación, identificando tres etapas distintas —UEM precrisis, UEM en crisis y los intentos actuales de reforma de la UEM y la gestión de los fondos europeos de rescate— que han ido moldeando el principio constitucional de autonomía financiera de las CCAA. Se analiza la interacción entre el ordenamiento constitucional español y el Derecho de la Unión y se señala a este último como motor de transformación constitucional y como un factor decisivo en cuanto a la evolución de la organización territorial del estado español.A distinctive feature of the State of Autonomies is the recognition of political autonomy of the Autonomous Communities and, inherent to it and at the same time a necessary instrument to make it possible, the financial autonomy. The Spanish constitutional system provides protection to that autonomy, both at the textual and case-law levels. The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), however, has led a substantial transformation of the financial autonomy as a constitutional value, from the perspective of the spending power, of the Autonomous Communities. This article explores this transformation and identifies three stages —EMU precrisis, EMU in crisis and the current efforts of reforming the EMU and the allocation and management of the European funds for recovery— which have shaped the financial autonomy of the Autonomous Communities. The article analyzes the interaction between the Spanish constitutional system and the European Union Law and points out the latter as an engine of a constitutional transformation and as a decisive factor in the evolution of the State of Autonomies.


Pro Futuro ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márton Leó Zaccaria

This paper is built around the workers’ fundamental right to take collective action and collective bargaining. Although, this right is firmly embedded in the majority of labour law systems in the social policy (meaning labour law, too) of the European Union, it is worth analysing it separately with an independent meaning. We can approach this right from the fundamental rights, the fundamental treaties or from certain directives, so we can find several questions that are difficult to answer properly. These problems are mostly catalysed by the necessary collision between the need for socially motivated legal protection and the fundamental economic freedoms. In my research, I analyse this right – along with some other connected ones – with the help of the recent case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Pillar of Social Rights because the latter highlights the holistic approach in the current reforms of EU social policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 27-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksander Cieśliński

THE COURT OF JUSTICE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND “SOCIAL TOURISM”The idea of social citizenship in the European Union as a brand new stage of the integration process following well established market citizenship used to be very popular and tempting, especially for Euro-enthusiasts. Taking into account at the same time how important social rights turn out to be for modern state and citizenship it should not be a surprise that such development would be a solid basis for the concept of the more advanced and human-oriented Union. For the decades since the Maastricht Treaty the evolution of the case-law of the Court of Justice has seemed to prove that direction. Unfortunately, due to the worldwide crisis as well as new EU accessions covering rather less developed countries, political climate has changed in recent years and particularly EU migrating citizens’ claims for social benefits are rather considered a threat and part of so called “social tourism” that needs to be explained. As it turned out the CJEU case-law has also been modified and here the most famous example is the Dano case.The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the most important changes brought by this ruling and subsequent ones until the present day and their wider implications. What is particularly interesting is the restoration of practical meaning of the limitations and conditions for legal residence and social assistance stemming from Directive 2004/38 that seemed to be almost omitted in previous case-law in the name of respecting the general citizenship guarantees and non-discrimination principle. There should also be no doubt that  his principle shall not be treated as unlimited for all EU citizens who find themselves in the same situation, as Member States are again entitled to differentiate them more rigorously basing on such criteria as the level of integration with its society and the market. Another important aspect that has been modified refers to a less individual approach to every claimant for social benefits which was criticized due to serious administrative burden for national authorities and the way it became rationalized also seems to be quite interesting.


Author(s):  
María DÍAZ CREGO

LABURPENA: Nahiz eta Espainiako Konstituzioak eskubide sozial sorta handia aitortu, bertako 53. artikuluaren jokoak oinarrizko eskubideak bermatzeko mekanismotik kanpo uzten ditu eskubide sozial horiek. Artikulu horrek zalantzan jartzen baitu eskubide sozial gehienen justiziabilitatea. Eta ez hori bakarrik; gainera, oinarrizko eskubideak Auzitegi Konstituzionalean bermatzeko espresuki eraturiko auzibidetik kanpo uzten ditu, hots, babes-errekurtsotik kanpo. Eskubide sozialen degradazio hori, ohikoa Zuzenbide Konparatuan, saihestu izan da, auzitegi nazional eta nazioarteko askotan, eskubideoi zeharkako babesa ematen dieten estrategien bitartez. Ildo horretan, gaurko azterlan honen xedea da babes-errekurtsoetan ezarritako jurisprudentzia konstituzionala analizatzea, ikusteko zer neurritaraino baliatu den Auzitegi Konstituzionala estrategia horietaz Konstituzioak aitortzen dituen eskubide sozial gehienak babes-errekurtsoek eskaintzen duten aterpetik kanpo uzteko joerari aurre egiteko. RESUMEN: A pesar de que la Constitución española reconoce un importante elenco de derechos sociales, el juego de su artículo 53 les excluye de los principales mecanismos de garantía de los derechos fundamentales. Este precepto no sólo pone en duda la justiciabilidad de la mayoría de los derechos sociales, sino que les excluye de la vía procesal específicamente pensada para garantizar los derechos fundamentales ante el Tribunal Constitucional: el recurso de amparo. Esta degradación de los derechos sociales, habitual en Derecho comparado, ha sido salvada por muchos tribunales nacionales e internacionales utilizando estrategias de protección indirecta de estos derechos. En esta línea, el objeto del presente trabajo es analizar la jurisprudencia constitucional sentada en recursos de amparo a fin de identificar en qué medida el Tribunal Constitucional ha hecho uso de esas estrategias para paliar la exclusión de la mayoría de los derechos sociales reconocidos en la Constitución de la protección que otorga el amparo. ABSTRACT: Although the Spanish Constitution recognizes a remarkable cast of social rights, its article 53 excludes these rights from the mechanisms built to guarantee the protection of constitutional rights. Article 53 brings into question the justiciability of most of the social rights recognized in the Spanish Constitution and deprives most of them from the protection granted by the recurso de amparo, the procedural safeguard specifically designed to protect fundamental rights in case of individual violations before the Spanish Constitutional Court. However, this situation is not so atipical as many other national and international courts face this sort of limits by developing a creative case law in order to protect social rights even when the national constitution or the international treaty they interpretate do not expressly recognize these rights. In this sense, the aim of this paper is to analyse the Spanish Constitutional Court’s case law as to determine to what extent it has made use of the indirect strategies to ensure the justiciability of social rights that other courts have already used.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Luis Jimena Quesada

The European Social Charter (alongside the case-law of the European Committee of Social Rights) forms the most striking binding legal source for young people’s social rights, providing a framework for synergies with both the European Union and the Council of Europe’s other instruments and mechanisms in this area. In the current times of pandemic, the most important thing is preventing the COVID-19 crisis (which has economic, political and social dimensions) from becoming a crisis of values among young people. From this perspective, on the one hand, the paper focuses on access of young people to education, labour market and housing. On the other hand, it proposes measures aimed at raising awareness of the Social Charter among young people and to capitalise on it in practice instead of insisting on drafting a specific European instrument on their rights. Finally, the author insists that all Council of Europe Member States should accept (if they have not yet done so) in the spirit of the “Turin process,”the collective complaints procedure and the revised European Social Charter.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document