Desecuritizing Strangeness

2021 ◽  
pp. 167-198
Author(s):  
Nick Vaughan-Williams

Chapter 6 recovers vernacular counter-narratives of the border and alternative border imaginaries at work in citizens’ conversations. Beyond dominant narratives of crisis, securitization, abjection, and control, the analysis shows how some vernacular accounts mobilized border logics that questioned portrayals of obsessive walling practices as immutable and inevitable and thus disrupted elite scripts of the ‘crisis’. It is argued that another reason why populist calls to ‘take back control’ flourished despite augmented border security is that actually existing alternative imaginaries among citizens were subjugated in wider public discourse. The discussion begins by recalling the ‘affective atmospheres of welcoming’ that swept across the EU during the summer of 2015. While some vernacular narratives arguably perpetuated a problematic politics of pity akin to many elite governmental narratives of humanitarian crisis, others made arguments about EU citizens’ duties to new arrivals based on a politics of equality and/or of an awareness of the legacies of European colonialism. From here, the analysis considers a range of vernacular narratives that in various ways challenged the notion that there is ‘no alternative’ to tougher deterrent border security and walling. Finally, the chapter mines citizens’ vernacular narratives that do not start with abstract arguments about ‘borders’ at all. In such narratives we find glimpses of what Kristeva (1991) refers to as an ‘ethics of strangeness’: refusals of sovereign mastery of control, the fantasy of ontological security, and the desire to be ‘bordered’. This disrupts the grip of the dominant elite ‘crisis’ narrative and offers new grounds to engage the challenges wrought by increased arrivals and deaths at sea.

Author(s):  
Nick Vaughan-Williams

Chapter 2 examines the role of elite governmental actors in producing the narrative of the so-called 2015 ‘migration crisis’ and creating the conditions under which walling and deterrent border security policies flourished. The first part of the chapter draws on key press releases, speeches, and policy documents issued by the EU Commission and its agencies in order to map the emergence and trajectory of this elite ‘crisis’ narrative from the so-called ‘ghost ship’ arrivals to the height of ‘irregular’ arrivals that year. The second part shows how this ahistorical, Euro-centric, and (post)colonial governmental frame—with its reductionist depiction of mobile populations and sanitized one-sided view of border-related violence—has been problematized and disaggregated by research that documents the experiences of those seeking entry to the EU. The third part draws on theoretical literatures on the politics of crisis in order to argue that, irrespective of its empirical accuracy, the so-called ‘crisis’ narrative has enabled the intensification of deterrent border security measures on- and off-shore and the re-emergence of disciplinary walling techniques among EU Member States in ways that would be otherwise unpalatable in liberal democracies during ‘non-crisis’ times. But while extant work on crisis enables a critical analysis of the politics of ‘crisis bordering’ that is essential for any attempt to grapple with the book’s overarching puzzle, ultimately it falls short of explaining why populist calls to ‘take back control’ have been stoked rather than satiated by such bordering and therefore it is necessary to investigate those calls—and their reception—among diverse publics in closer detail.


2021 ◽  
pp. 132-166
Author(s):  
Nick Vaughan-Williams

Chapter 5 focuses on EU citizens’ border anxieties and vernacular narratives of ontological (in)security; it argues that such narratives offer insights into the everyday politics of desire for border security predicated upon fantasies of control. Analysis of group discussions centres on how citizens conceptualized ‘the border’, what they understood by ‘tougher’ borders, and why they found bordering practices—including walling—appealing as a policy paradigm for responding to migration in the contemporary EU context. The discussion engages critically with interdisciplinary debates about psycho-social approaches to bordering and the politics of ‘ontological security’. Work orientated by the dominant Laing–Giddens paradigm offers a conceptualization of the relationship between macro-level and micro-level bordering practices, notions of home and belonging, and the illusion of the bounded nation-state as the origin of a pure and stable identity, but it presumes that ‘more bordering’ equates to ‘greater security’. By contrast, Brown’s (2010) psychoanalytical approach to walling offers tools for understanding the counter-intuitive process whereby excessive bordering practices may result from and further stimulate the repression of anxieties, which leads to an obsessive drive that produces the very dangers it seeks to negate. But while Brown’s view helps in part to address the puzzle posed by the contemporary EU context, it ultimately leaves no possibility of escape, no potential for change, and no recognition of actually existing alternatives to ever more bordered states and lives, and yet these counter-narratives are also rendered visible by a vernacular approach to European border security.


Author(s):  
О. Кravchuk ◽  
V. Symonenkov ◽  
I. Symonenkova ◽  
O. Hryhorev

Today, more than forty countries of the world are engaged in the development of military-purpose robots. A number of unique mobile robots with a wide range of capabilities are already being used by combat and intelligence units of the Armed forces of the developed world countries to conduct battlefield intelligence and support tactical groups. At present, the issue of using the latest information technology in the field of military robotics is thoroughly investigated, and the creation of highly effective information management systems in the land-mobile robotic complexes has acquired a new phase associated with the use of distributed information and sensory systems and consists in the transition from application of separate sensors and devices to the construction of modular information subsystems, which provide the availability of various data sources and complex methods of information processing. The purpose of the article is to investigate the ways to increase the autonomy of the land-mobile robotic complexes using in a non-deterministic conditions of modern combat. Relevance of researches is connected with the necessity of creation of highly effective information and control systems in the perspective robotic means for the needs of Land Forces of Ukraine. The development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine management system based on the criteria adopted by the EU and NATO member states is one of the main directions of increasing the effectiveness of the use of forces (forces), which involves achieving the principles and standards necessary for Ukraine to become a member of the EU and NATO. The inherent features of achieving these criteria will be the transition to a reduction of tasks of the combined-arms units and the large-scale use of high-precision weapons and land remote-controlled robotic devices. According to the views of the leading specialists in the field of robotics, the automation of information subsystems and components of the land-mobile robotic complexes can increase safety, reliability, error-tolerance and the effectiveness of the use of robotic means by standardizing the necessary actions with minimal human intervention, that is, a significant increase in the autonomy of the land-mobile robotic complexes for the needs of Land Forces of Ukraine.


Author(s):  
Muna Ali

This book explores the identities, perspectives, and roles of the second and subsequent generations of Muslim Americans of both immigrant and convert backgrounds. As these younger Muslims come of age, and as distant as they are from historical processes that shaped their parents’ generations, how do they view themselves and each other? What role do they play in the current chapter of Islam in a post-9/11 America? Will they be able to cross intra-community divides and play a pivotal role in shaping their community? Culture figures prominently in the discussions about and among Muslims and is centered on four dominant narratives: 1) culture is thought to be the underlying cause of an alleged “identity crisis,” 2) it presumably contaminates a “pure/true” Islam, 3) it is the cause for all that divides Muslim American immigrants and converts, which could be remedied by creating an American Muslim community and culture, and 4) some Americans fear an “Islamization of America” through a Muslim cultural takeover. In this ethnographic study, Muna Ali explores these questions through these four dominant narratives, which are both part of the public discourse and themes that emerged from interviews, a survey, social and traditional media, and participant observation. Situating these questions and narratives in identity studies in a pluralistic yet racialized society, as well as in the anthropology of Islam and in the process and meaning of cultural citizenship, Ali examines how younger Muslims see themselves and their community, how they negotiate fault lines of ethnicity, race, class, gender, and religious interpretation within their communities, and how their faith informs their daily lives and how they envision a future for themselves in post-911 America.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001573252110122
Author(s):  
Rupa Chanda ◽  
Neha Vinod Betai

In June 2016, the United Kingdom took the world by surprise with the results of its referendum on whether to remain in the European Union (EU). With a 52% majority, the country decided to leave the bloc in which it had been a member since 1973. With this outcome began the long process of Brexit negotiations between UK and the EU. The UK officially ceased to be an EU member on 31 January 2020, with a transition period up to the end of 2020. The decision to leave the EU came on the back of rising bitterness among people. Membership in the EU was seen as expensive and not beneficial to the country. One of the major campaigning points of the leave camp was the issue of immigration. Given that free movement of people is an important part of being in the EU, the party argued that leaving the EU would help the country take back control of its borders. Immigration in the UK has been on the rise since the early 2000s. It shot up further with the accession of the eight East European economies into the EU. Figure 1 shows how, leading up to Brexit, immigration from the EU to the UK was constantly increasing. JEL Codes: F00, F30, F22, F23


Author(s):  
Niamh Hardiman ◽  
David M. Farrell ◽  
Eoin Carolan ◽  
John Coakley ◽  
Aidan Regan ◽  
...  

Modern Ireland is a relatively wealthy and politically stable democracy, but it bears the deep marks of its route to this point. This introductory chapter draws together some key themes that run through this volume and profiles the core contributions of each of its chapters. The overall story is one of contradictory influences. The political institutions of the state, notwithstanding much innovation over time, retain a bias toward a remarkably strong executive. The long-standing weaknesses of social democratic electoral mobilization both reflect and reinforce a conservative and market-oriented tilt in policy priorities. The ideas that animate public discourse show a creative but sometimes problematic tension between republican and communitarian ideals on the one hand, and liberal ideas and values on the other. Ireland has assumed a confident role on the world stage and especially within the European Union (EU), but relations with its nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom, can often be problematic, not least because of the complexity of the politics of Northern Ireland. And while on many measures Ireland is among the wealthiest of the EU member states, this is not the lived reality for a great many of its citizens, and the nuances of why this is so need to be carefully assessed. Overall, this introductory chapter offers an overview of the whole Handbook while also making an original contribution in its own right.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-132
Author(s):  
János Tomolya

In June 2003, the EU launched Operation “Artemis”, its first military mission outside Europe and independent of NATO, to the Democratic Republic of Congo. While it ultimately received an EU badge, its origin, command and control were French. The objective of Operation “Artemis” was to contribute to the stabilisation of the security conditions in Bunia, capital of Ituri, to improve the humanitarian situation, and to ensure the protection of displaced persons in the refugee camps in Bunia. Its mandate was to provide a short-term interim force for three months until the transition to the reinforced United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC – Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en République Démocratique du Congo; English: United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo). Although the EU can be said to have passed the first “test” of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) mechanisms for the conduct of an autonomous operation, this test was a limited one. Operational constraints were caused by inadequate strategic lift capabilities and the lack of a strategic reserve.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Fernando Alfaro Martínez

Analysis of the results of EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia since the beginning of its activities in June 2015, aiming to assert the level of achievement of its goals and conclude whether the establishment of a military operation was the best option to tackle a humanitarian crisis, as well as what have been the outcomes of the Operation for migrant mobility and for the actors involved, in particular, to the European solidarity system. The overview of the data presented by EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia helps to draw considerations for the future of the EU when dealing with future similar crises, not only affecting Europe, but in any country taking in consideration the migratory exodus happening, for example in South America these days, and that may be extended internationally. Is in this cases, where people flee from their origin countries seeking for shelter, when we must be aware of the necessary guarantee of Human Rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Terézia Nagy

In my study I would like to show how the refugees’ situation, motivation and lifestyle have been criminalized in the public discourse (political, press and social public discourse) despite the fact that the Hungarian asylum procedures seem to be converging to the EU standards. I will approach the acceptance of and behaviour towards refugees in two ways: based on my experience from fieldwork carried out in diasporas in Budapest and based on my analysis of the press from the perspective of the host society. These approaches are important because my results show that socio-cultural acceptance is demonstrated almost exclusively by the diasporas even though the economic and official procedures manifest in the body of the host (Hungarian) society. I would also like to speak about the picture the Hungarian media and the government’s discourse show of people crossing the border illegally, how it raises fear and uncertainty among them. This kind of influence conveys messages which hinder fitting in in various aspects, obstruct integration, and at the same time make transnational communication among refugees stereotypical and equivocal. Consequently, ethnically or religiously homogeneous connections are getting stronger, while the importance of diasporas with weak economic, political and advocacy background is also increasing. However, the newcomers hardly ever enter the Hungarian scene.


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