The First R2P

Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Coates

This chapter explores the role of international lawyers as enablers of military intervention. US lawyers frequently justified US intervention on behalf of private interests in Latin America. They did not ignore the law to do so. While agreeing with Latin Americans that international law frowned on violent debt collection, they contended that it permitted intervention to ‘protect’ citizens and property. When combined with discourses of civilization and barbarism, lawyers found it easy to justify interstate violence even on behalf of unscrupulous claimants: too easy, in fact. As a result, such interventions often lacked public legitimacy and required deft diplomacy to limit political blowback. Just as contemporary debates over the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ have offered legal justification while stirring political controversies, so too the assertion of a ‘Right to Protect’ citizens and investments a century ago demonstrates the importance of legal expertise in shaping the contours of interstate violence.

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard M. Morse

Given the historic role of cities in Latin America as an instrument for appropriating territory and for ordering society, one may wonder why more attention is not paid to the Latin Americans' own vision of the city. We are sometimes asked to believe that only in the 1940s did the urban phenomenon loom in their world and that our knowledge of it comes from foreign demographers and anthropologists. Colonial sources like Solórzano and the Recopilación, however, demonstrate that the IberoCatholic political tradition gives central importance to the organizational and paradigmatic functions of the urban unit. After independence, to be sure, this tradition was eclipsed by the ‘ruralization’ of Latin American societies as urban, bureaucratic structures decayed and power flowed to the agrarian domain. At this time also, intellectual horizons opened to offer release from scholastic constraints, encouraging the intelligentsia to make eclectic, sometimes euphoric assessments of their new nations' future potential. Of these pensadores Sarmiento almost alone dealt directly with the city's role in nation building. Yet his very plea that the city — whether Buenos Aires or a new ‘Argirópolis’ — assume ‘modernizing’ or ‘developmental‘functions reverts to the old Mediterranean notion that the city (civitas) is one with ‘civilization’. For this Alberdi attacked him, reminding Sarmiento that in Argentina town and country, civilization and barbarism, were not disjoined but fused in a single society and polity.


Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller

This chapter contextualizes Cuban and Mexican responses to the War of 1895 between Cuba and Spain and to the events of 1898 by situating them in the context of the long story of Cuban and Mexican relations. Looking beyond the binary that pits Spain against the United States in a battle for primacy in the Americas allows for the appreciation of the place and role of Latin America in relation to debates surrounding the Cuban struggle. Ultimately, Cuba Libre came to stand for much more than Cuban independence: it came so symbolize freedom and republicanism across the Americas and beyond. The ideology that bound Cubans and Mexicans as well as other likeminded Latin Americans at the time was neither Pan-Americanismo nor Pan-Hispanism, but americanismo, a concept that drew inspiration from the discourses of both, but was not reducible to either. In fact, as this chapter demonstrates, Cubans in exile rarely expressed anti-Hispanist sentiments, preferring instead to emphasize the distinction between Spanish colonialists who they detested and the anti-colonialist Spaniards who were their friends. Like-minded Cubans, Mexicans and Spaniards believed that Spain needed to be liberated from its imperial past and its colonial present in order to advance as a nation. They were equally critical of U.S. imperialism and thus rejected all U.S. aggressions toward Latin America.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-102
Author(s):  
Natalie Gold

Abstract“Das Adam Smith Problem” is the name given by eighteenth-century German scholars to the question of how to reconcile the role of self-interest in the Wealth of Nations with Smith’s advocacy of sympathy in Theory of Moral Sentiments. As the discipline of economics developed, it focused on the interaction of selfish agents, pursuing their private interests. However, behavioral economists have rediscovered the existence and importance of multiple motivations, and a new Das Adam Smith Problem has arisen, of how to accommodate self-regarding and pro-social motivations in a single system. This question is particularly important because of evidence of motivation crowding, where paying people can backfire, with payments achieving the opposite effects of those intended. Psychologists have proposed a mechanism for the crowding out of “intrinsic motivations” for doing a task, when payment is used to incentivize effort. However, they argue that pro-social motivations are different from these intrinsic motivations, implying that crowding out of pro-social motivations requires a different mechanism. In this essay I present an answer to the new Das Adam Smith problem, proposing a mechanism that can underpin the crowding out of both pro-social and intrinsic motivations, whereby motivations are prompted by frames and motivation crowding is underpinned by the crowding out of frames. I explore some of the implications of this mechanism for research and policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 097265272110153
Author(s):  
Lan Khanh Chu

This article examines the impact of institutional, financial, and economic development on firms’ access to finance in Latin America and Caribbean region. Based on firm- and country-level data from the World Bank databases, we employ an ordered logit model to understand the direct and moderating role of institutional, financial, and economic development in determining firms’ financial obstacles. The results show that older, larger, facing less competition and regulation burden, foreign owned, and affiliated firms report lower obstacles to finance. Second, better macro-fundamentals help to lessen the level of obstacles substantially. Third, the role of institutions in promoting firms’ inclusive finance is quite different to the role of financial development and economic growth. JEL classification: E02; G10; O16; P48


2009 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-70
Author(s):  
Paul Fallon

This essay analyzes how, marginalized by national literatures and threatened by the rise of regional mass media in the 1980s and 1990s, northern Mexican border authors and their texts consistently concerned themselves with the temporalities of representation——particularly in literary narrative. Through their treatment of temporal issues, these writers directed themselves toward a local, transnational reading community and enacted a critical regionalism that articulates local signification within larger processes reshaping the role of literature in contemporary Latin America.


1993 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-17
Author(s):  
Alice B. Lentz

Alice Lentz offers a brief view of the role of the Americas Fund for Independent Universities (AFIU) in relation to significant initiatives in various Latin American countries. In a region where the function and development of private higher education institutions is especially important, the focus of the AFIU's activities is on private universities' ability to provide trained business leaders with the skills necessary to meet the challenges of enterprise growth in these developing economies. She mentions in particular the strengthening of financing capabilities within the university, and the evolution of three-way partnerships among business corporations, AFIU, and universities in Latin America.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone M. Müller ◽  
Heidi J.S. Tworek

AbstractThis article uses the example of submarine telegraphy to trace the interdependence between global communications and modern capitalism. It uncovers how cable entrepreneurs created the global telegraph network based upon particular understandings of cross-border trade, while economists such as John Maynard Keynes and John Hobson saw global communications as the foundation for capitalist exchange. Global telegraphic networks were constructed to support extant capitalist systems until the 1890s, when states and corporations began to lay telegraph cables to open up new markets, particularly in Asia and Latin America, as well as for strategic and military reasons. The article examines how the interaction between telegraphy and capitalism created particular geographical spaces and social orders despite opposition from myriad Western and non-Western groups. It argues that scholars need to account for the role of infrastructure in creating asymmetrical information and access to trade that have continued to the present day.


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