Indian Foreign Policy

Author(s):  
Vineet Thakur

This chapter discusses the relationship between India’s national identity and post-Independence foreign policy. It argues that India’s discourse about civilizational pacifism is central to how India was imagined from the time of emergence of the Indian nationalist consciousness. Before independence, three stages of emergence of this discourse can be traced on which finally Nehru grafted his own idea of India. Within this context, it then explores Nehru’s criticisms of the dominant approach to IR—realism—and looks at his alternative vision for Indian foreign policy as well as the world. It also examines the critiques proffered on Nehru’s foreign policy in the initial years and argues how these criticisms did or did not differ from the broader discourse about India’s civilizational pacifism.

1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 494-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. McCormick ◽  
Young W. Kihl

In this study, we evaluate whether the increase in the number of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) has resulted in their increased use for foreign policy behavior by the nations of the world. This question is examined in three related ways: (1) the aggregate use of IGOs for foreign policy behavior; (2) the relationship between IGO membership and IGO use; and (3) the kinds of states that use IGOs. Our data base consists of the 35 nations in the CREON (Comparative Research on the Events of Nations) data set for the years 1959–1968.The main findings are that IGOs were employed over 60 percent of the time with little fluctuation on a year-by-year basis, that global and “high politics” IGOs were used more often than regional and “low politics” IGOs, that institutional membership and IGO use were generally inversely related, and that the attributes of the states had limited utility in accounting for the use of intergovernmental organizations. Some of the theoretical implications of these findings are then explored.


Author(s):  
David M. Malone ◽  
C. Raja Mohan ◽  
Srinath Raghavan

India has emerged as a leading voice in global affairs in the past two decades. Its fast-growing domestic market largely explains the ardour with which Delhi is courted by powers great and small. India is also becoming increasingly important to global geostrategic calculations, being the only Asian country with the heft to counterbalance China over time. Nevertheless, India’s foreign policy has been relatively neglected in the existing literature. ThisHandbook, edited by three widely recognized students of the topic, provides an extensive survey of India’s external relations. The authors include leading Indian scholars and commentators of the field and several outstanding foreign scholars and practitioners. They address factors in Indian foreign policy flowing from both history and geography and also discuss key relationships, issues, and multilateral forums through which the country’s international relations are refracted.


2021 ◽  
pp. e021057
Author(s):  
Liliya Radikovna Sakaeva ◽  
Yahin Marat Ajdarovich ◽  
Liliya Vyazirovna Bazarova

The concepts of diplomacy and foreign policy are directly connected. Continuing events on the world stage and the interaction of political figures (heads of state and diplomatic workers) lead to the formation of a common international situation. The current general international situation has a significant effect on the foreign policy of countries. Diplomacy is a key tool for the successful conduct of the foreign policy of each active participating state. Foreign policy significantly affects the independent system of law governing interstate relations, while diplomacy helps to formulate general international rules for this system. In this respect, the relationship of the concepts under consideration is clearly expressed. In the course of the study there are lexical units of the semantic field “diplomacy” and “foreign policy” were selected from Russian and English dictionaries with political and diplomatic designations; there was studied and verified the material in the form of diplomatic documents, protocols and international agreements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-206
Author(s):  
Sarah E. Cornish

The World War II diary A Woman in Berlin: Eight Weeks in the Conquered City (2005) documents one woman’s story of survival in the spring of 1945 in Berlin, during which upward of 130,000 women were raped by soldiers of the Red Army. First, this essay introduces the politics of recuperating the English translation of the diary within the context of the scant supporting historical documentation and memorialization of Berliner women’s experience during the occupation. Second, it demonstrates how the diary produces a feminist account of survival and a narrative for collective trauma by examining the diarist’s representations of the effects of rape and rubblestrewn Berlin. Third, the essay details the complicated publication history of the diary through a consideration of the relationship between the trauma sustained by the survivors of mass rape and the blows to German national identity that it documents.


2020 ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
Pallavi Raghavan

The No War Pact correspondence between Jawaharlal Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan is interesting for several reasons: its timing, the personalities, the possibilities it seemed to offer for the relationship ship, and the glimpses it offered into the world views of India and Pakistan during the 1950s. The Evacuee Property Conferences, as well as the refugee crisis in Bengal formed the immediate context in which Liaquat Ali Khan and Nehru opened negotiations on a possible No War Pact. In many ways, moreover, the correspondence also shows how deeply connected the shaping of foreign policy was with domestic politics—India’s and Pakistan’s international relations were shaped out of the domestic concerns of both nation. One reason that the correspondence was taking place at all was that it could offer the possibility of some movement on the questions of water and evacuee property. The correspondence offered an opportunity for India and Pakistan to clarify their positions internationally as mutually exclusive entities: at the same time, it was also for progress in leading to more accommodative outcomes for talks around the agenda of separation. This chapter shows that the business of going about disentangling oneself from the other did not in fact necessarily mandate international stances that had to be hostile to one another: they could also be built upon an attempt at dialogue.


2019 ◽  
Vol 168 ◽  
pp. 401-411
Author(s):  
Slavica Vasiljević Ilić

The beauty of dying: A vision of heaven the relationship with death in medieval Serbian literatureDeath presents a major topic in the medieval Serbian literature, the manner of dying being crucial for gaining eternal life. There are three stages in the schematized description of death: announcement, transition and vision of what the hero may expect in eternal life. At each stage there are images and symbols of the world beyond that present death as something pleasant and desirable. In terms of death, it is Saint Simeon as the founder of the dynasty of Nemanjici and the first national saint and Czar Lazar Hrebeljanovic that drew most of the attention, the former being described by four authors in five pieces of work, the latter due to his heroic end against the infidels in the Battle of Kosovo. It is not long before the three-stage scheme is disturbed in early hagiographies, with the 13th and 14th century heroes embracing death in most cases there are saints in question, whereas it is already in the following century in poetry, for instance, that there emerge not so favourable accounts of death.  Красота умирания — видение рая отношение к смерти в средневековой сербской литературеСмерть является одной из центральных тем в средневековой сербской литературе. Ключом к обретению вечной жизни является способ умирания. Описание смерти схематизировано, состоит из трех частей: предупреждение, переход и видение того, что персонажа ожидает в вечной жизни. На каждом этапе появляются картины и символы потустороннего мира, на которых смерть изображена красивой и желанной. В сербской средневековой литературе внимание обращено прежде всего на смерть Св. Симеона, родоначальника династии Неманичей, первого национального святителя, а также на смерть Св. князя Лазаря, умершего в борьбе против неверующих, вместе со своими войнами. Наблюдаются отступления от установленной трехкомпонентной схемы первых житий. Герои житий и слов XIII и XIV вв. святые воспринимают смерть как переход в вечную жизнь, в XV в. появляются иные изображения смерти представленные в негативном ключе, например, в поэзии.


Author(s):  
Katie Linnane

Across the 1990s, a ‘culture war’ raged between Australian Prime Ministers Keating and Howard. At its crux, their discursive battles reflected divergent and competing conceptions of Australian nationhood, and Australia’s place in the world. For Keating, Australia’s future and interests resided in a comprehensive engagement with Asia. For Howard, Australia’s identity was situated firmly within the Anglo-sphere. This chapter examines how such articulations of national identity related to foreign policy during the Keating and Howard governments. Through an exploration of foreign policy language, it will illuminate the efforts made by Australian governments to link foreign policy objectives with particular conceptions of Australian national identity. Specifically, this chapter will highlight the deliberate attempts by Keating and then by Howard to fuse elements of their foreign and domestic agendas in pursuit of a vision that took in very particular and radically different conceptions of Australian identity. It aims to pose important questions about what Australian foreign policy language might reveal about contested notions of national identity, and following that, how foreign policy can be understood as part of a political project to define what it means to be Australian. 


Author(s):  
Ian Hall

Narendra Modi’s energetic personal diplomacy and promise to make India a ‘leading power’, made soon after his landslide election victory in May 2014, surprised many analysts. Most had predicted that his government would concentrate on domestic issues, on the growth and development demanded by Indian voters, and that he lacked necessary experience in international relations. Instead, Modi’s time in office saw a concerted attempt to reinvent Indian foreign policy by replacing inherited understandings of its place in the world with one drawn largely from Hindu nationalist ideology. This book explores the drivers of this reinvention, arguing it arose from a combination of elite conviction and electoral calculation, and the impact it had on India’s international relations under Modi. It examines how Hindu nationalists understand the world and India’s place and role within it, as well as what we know about Modi’s thought and political style. It addresses, in turn, his government’s attempt to present India as a ‘world guru’ with teachings draw from its rich civilizational inheritance, its attempt to further regional prosperity and connectivity in South Asia, and its efforts to address national security vulnerabilities and manage relations with the major powers.


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