Patronage Government (1953–63)

Author(s):  
Aijaz Ashraf Wani

The aggressive campaign by Praja Parishad in Jammu and Buddhist groups of Ladakh, assisted by Hindu nationalist forces in Delhi, deeply disillusioned Sheikh Abdullah. The nature of the revolt clashed sharply with the ideology of Abdullah which had prompted him to prefer India over Pakistan. Having got disillusioned with the expectations he had pinned on Indian secularism and India’s constitutional promises of sovereignty, Sheikh voiced his disappointment publicly and drifted towards a position in support of plebiscite which led to his widely condemned dismissal. The deposition of Sheikh Abdullah in 1953, replaced by Bakhshi, created a storm in Kashmir followed by the formation of Plebiscite Front under the patronage of Abdullah. At the same time the central government had the urgency to further integrate Kashmir with India which the popular leader, Abdullah had resisted. Thus emerged the need of Gramsci’s ‘expansive hegemony’ to obtain the consent of the great mass of the people willingly and actively to the ruling establishment. The third chapter engages with the steps taken by Bakhshi under the patronage of the central government to change the tide in favour of the Indian nation-state and their impact.

1996 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Wimmer

The study begins with a critical examination of two opposing, theories of nationalism. Next, the relationship between the State and nationalism in the form of the nation state is seen as a process of social formation during which a compromise is established between public and private elites, and the people: loyalty is exchanged for the right to participate in social rights. In the third part, the author considers the future of a number of Southern states in relation to the fundamentals of nation formation.


1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 58-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
George F. Hourani

Plato pays little attention to the third class in his ideal city, regarding them as raw material on which the Guardians exercise their art. But modern criticism is interested in them, for upon their treatment and opportunities our judgement of Plato's city partly depends. They are the great mass of the people, and centuries of Christian equalitarianism have made us regard their welfare as an important criterion of the city's value.


Author(s):  
Ajay Ghangare ◽  
Anup Ranade

With an aim to issue unique identification number to its every individual and to avail them with different schemes like gas subsidy, Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) like benefits, Government of India initiated the process of Aadhar. However it has come across some privacy issues from different strata of society. This paper attempts to investigate the perspectives of people, legal and Government on leakage of privacy thereby trying to conclude whether there is an infringement of the privacy as raised by some dignities. For identifying people perspectives, 150 respondents from different class group, gender category, different occupations, etc were considered. After analyzing people’s perspective, it has been found that the population who are being asked to link their personal documents, identity and information to their Aadhar Card are wary about the possible loss of privacy. They are aware of the advantages of ALP to the Society. They are hence willing to join the ALP, and thus are ready to sacrifice their privacy. While according to the legal perspective, successive judges in their judgments have dealt with different aspects of privacy with regards to Aadhar and its linking. These judgments would help as a stepping stone for evolution of the idea of protection of privacy of the people of this nation state, within the framework of a secured and socially justified environment attained because of ALP. The third perspective that is of Government concluded that it argues that the fundamental right status does not make privacy the absolute right and hence is superseded by other major concerns of the nation state viz national security of its people, frauds and fake registrations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aparajita Sharma

This paper, through the narratives of activists and Meira Paibis reiterates the slogan—repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which is draconian and anti-people in spirit. The atroci-ty, which has been meted out on the people of Manipur because of this Act, is a profound violation of human rights. Rape, mindless killings, kidnapping, fake encounters have been normalised by virtue of this Act. The youths have been badly affected due to the conflict emerging out of this Act which treats people in Manipur as ‘objects’ against the imagined boundaries of the Indian nation-state for security from the neighbouring nations. In this process, the lived experiences of the people have been pushed to the periphery against the massive motive of the state to protect bor-ders and the imagined nation, which is a direct offshoot of the legacy of colonialism in India. The paper has tried to capture the history of Manipur on a capsule to concretise the struggle of Irom Sharmila and the ‘hopes’ she gives to the people of Manipur for ‘peace’ and ‘justice’. Alongside, it makes a humble attempt to describe the ‘life’ of Irom Sharmila. In addition, it describes the rage of Manipuris, which have given rise to insurgency asking for ‘freedom’ through various platforms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 339-352
Author(s):  
Hakimul Ikhwan ◽  
Fachri Aidulsyah

Abstract This paper seeks to answer the question of how the sultanates of Malaysia maintained their authority in the current nation-state era as almost all of Indonesia’s hundreds of sultanates (except for the Sultanate of Yogyakarta in Java) lost formal power. It proposes three findings. First, Dutch and British colonialism had different legacies in Indonesia and Malaysia, respectively. Second, following their independence, Indonesia and Malaysia adopted different government systems, with the former becoming a unitary republic and the latter becoming a federal state; consequently, the sultanates of Indonesia had to submit themselves to the central government in Indonesia, whereas those in Malaysia were given broader space to exercise their authority within a federal state. Third, the sultanates of Malaysia have a two-layered identity, resulting from the convergence of ethnic Malay and Islamic identities that eventually strengthened the Sultanate’s authority and legitimacy in the eyes of the people and the federal state; conversely, convergence between ethnic and religious identity was limited in Indonesia’s sultanates, subsequently undermining the sultans’ ability to uphold authority and power.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
AVANTHI MEDURI

In this paper, I discuss issues revolving around history, historiography, alterity, difference and otherness concealed in the doubled Indian/South Asian label used to describe Indian/South Asian dance genres in the UK. The paper traces the historical genealogy of the South Asian label to US, Indian and British contexts and describes how the South Asian enunciation fed into Indian nation-state historiography and politics in the 1950s. I conclude by describing how Akademi: South Asian Dance, a leading London based arts organisation, explored the ambivalence in the doubled Indian/South Asian label by renaming itself in 1997, and forging new local/global networks of communication and artistic exchange between Indian and British based dancers and choreographers at the turn of the twenty-first century.


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-70
Author(s):  
Paul Schoff
Keyword(s):  

“The Senate may not amend any proposed law so as to increase the proposed charge or burden on the people.”1 “I confess it came as a surprise to me to find that this House could make a law to shoot dogs, or poison them, or to do anything with them except increase the tax on them half-a-crown.”2


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-248
Author(s):  
Engin Yilmaz ◽  
Yakut Akyön ◽  
Muhittin Serdar

AbstractCOVID-19 is the third spread of animal coronavirus over the past two decades, resulting in a major epidemic in humans after SARS and MERS. COVID-19 is responsible of the biggest biological earthquake in the world. In the global fight against COVID-19 some serious mistakes have been done like, the countries’ misguided attempts to protect their economies, lack of international co-operation. These mistakes that the people had done in previous deadly outbreaks. The result has been a greater economic devastation and the collapse of national and international trust for all. In this constantly changing environment, if we have a better understanding of the host-virus interactions than we can be more prepared to the future deadly outbreaks. When encountered with a disease which the causative is unknown, the reaction time and the precautions that should be taken matters a great deal. In this review we aimed to reveal the molecular footprints of COVID-19 scientifically and to get an understanding of the pandemia. This review might be a highlight to the possible outbreaks.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147490412199047
Author(s):  
Matthew Clarke ◽  
Martin Mills

Recent educational reforms in England have sought to reshape public education by extending central government control of curriculum and assessment, while replacing local government control of schools with a quasi-private system of academies and multi academy trusts. In this paper, we resist reading this as the latest iteration of the debate between “traditional” and “progressive” education. Instead, we note how, despite the mobilisation of the rhetoric of the public and public education, schooling in England has never been public in any deeply meaningful sense. We develop a genealogical reading of public education in England, in which ideas of British universalism – “the public” – and inequality and exclusion in education and society have not been opposed but have gone hand-in-hand. This raises the question whether it is possible to envisage and enact another form of collective – one that is based on action rather than fantasy and that is co-authored by, comprising, and exists for, the people. The final part of this paper seeks to grapple with this challenge, in the context of past, present and future potential developments in education, and to consider possibilities for the imaginary reconstitution of public education in England in the twenty-first century.


Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 389
Author(s):  
Caihua Zhou

The participation of a third party of the environmental service enterprise theoretically increases the level and efficiency of soil pollution control in China. However, Chinese-style fiscal decentralization may have a negative impact on the behaviors of participants, especially the local government. First, this paper conducts a positioning analysis on participants of the third-party soil pollution control in China and discusses the behavioral dissimilation of the local government under fiscal decentralization. Second, taking the government’s third-party soil pollution control as a case, a two-party game model of the central government and the local government is established around the principal-agent relationship, and a tripartite game model of the central government, the local government, and the third-party enterprise is designed around the collusion between the local government and the third-party enterprise. The results show that Chinese-style fiscal decentralization may lead to the behavioral dissimilation of local governments, that is, they may choose not to implement or passively implement the third-party control, and choose to conspire with third-party enterprises. Improving the benefits from implementing the third-party control of local governments and third-party enterprises, enhancing the central government’s supervision probability and capacity, and strengthening the central government’s punishment for behavioral dissimilation are conducive to the implementation of the third-party soil pollution control. Finally, this study puts forward policy suggestions on dividing the administrative powers between the central and local government in third-party control, building appraisal systems for the local government’s environmental protection performance, constructing environmental regulation mechanisms involving the government, market and society, and formulating the incentive and restraint policies for the participants in the third-party soil pollution control.


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