Public Choice and Libertarianism

Author(s):  
Peter Boettke ◽  
Ennio E. Piano

This chapter investigates the relationship between public choice and libertarianism. Public choice is a positive enterprise, the application of methodological individualism to the study of political processes and institutions. Libertarianism is a political philosophy that stresses individual liberty from the arbitrary power of the state. This chapter argues that public choice has had a substantial influence in the development of libertarian thought in the second half of the twentieth century. First, public choice theory reaches several conclusions that are consistent with libertarian assumptions about politics. Second, some public choice theorists have also directly contributed to the development of libertarianism in their politico-philosophical writings. In particular, this chapter focuses on the work of James Buchanan, one of the founders of the discipline and a major contributor to the philosophical debates in the 1970s about the proper role of the state in a free society. Finally, the chapter argues that some of the major criticisms of public choice, by both professional economists and libertarian purists, fail to understand the distinction between positive and normative in the writing of public choice theorists.

Author(s):  
Jyldyz T. Kasymova

This chapter evaluates several theoretical perspectives to examine the role of the state and its relationship with markets. It divides theories into two groups: macro and micro. The macro theories covered in the chapter include Adam Smith's approach, Keynesian views, the Austrian school of thought, Marxism, pluralist theory, public choice approach, and elite theory. The selected macro theories provide an elaborate perspective on the relationship between markets and the state. In order to have a holistic picture the chapter also discusses several micro theories, which effectively depict the relationship between markets and the state from the budgetary perspective. Incrementalism and punctuated equilibrium are included in the evaluation. The application of theories in relation to specific public policies is provided.


Author(s):  
Giuseppe Bognetti

Governance of the economy and theory of economic policy. This essay explores the views on economic policy of two of the most important thinkers of the Lombard enlightenment (Beccaria and Verri). The focus of the essay is on their theoretical contributions, so that the influence of Beccaria’s and Verri’s proposals on the actual course of Lombard economic reforms will not be discussed. In Beccaria and Verri, the theory of political economy is based on a rich view of societal interdependencies and the way they operate. Beccaria and Verri developed their views within the larger context of the European economic enlightenment. Their contributions partly reflect the theories of French, English and Scottish writers. However, they were able to build on other writers’ contribution in an independent and original way, often making important and influential contributions to the social theory of the European enlightenment (a standard instance is the influence Beccaria had on the development of criminal law and the formation of the utilitarian tradition). Beccaria and Verri were convinced that reforms were possible and that the force of reason could promote solutions suitable for the improvement of society. This was not an easy task, but mainly in the first period of their intellectual activities they were hopeful to achieve important results. They were convinced that economic policy should be able to free the natural capacities of individuals so that the whole society’s potential could be used to improve economic welfare. This belief comes from a very complex view of the behaviour and interaction among human beings. Society (but by no means all social conventions and institutions) was conceived as the outcome of a deliberate covenant. People agree to live together because otherwise they would live in constant insecurity for their lives and property, and because only under that covenant they would be able to enjoy a minimum degree of individual liberty. To secure this liberty the state must respect the division of powers between the legislative, executive and judiciary branches. This model obviously derives from Montesquieu and Locke, but Beccaria and Verri develop it in an original way especially with regard the judicial power. For they believe that to give judges the power to interpret the law is to give them normative power, which would not be admissible in a system of division of powers. Therefore they believed that, in order to avoid this breach of the model, laws and statutes should be very simple and clear. In this case only, that is, only when the normative framework is certain, individuals can act in an environment of security and full liberty. From this the need derives not only to have a simple legislation but also a somewhat limited role of the state in managing the economy, without resorting to an extensive regulatory system. Beccaria is the one who chiefly develops this part of the model. His ideas on the judiciary exerted an important influence in the following years, starting with the French Convention (1791), in which his contributions were extensively discussed. Beccaria’s views continued to attract the attention of prominent constitutional scholars (such as Laband) in the following decades and exerted a considerable influence on the drafting of a number of constitutional charts during the nineteenth century.


1996 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicky Randall

ABSTRACTThis article explores some of the main reasons why feminist mobilisation around the issue of child daycare in Britain has been so limited and its impact so modest. It describes this mobilisation, comparing it with experience in other countries and with mobilisation on other issues. It suggests that the modest achievement to date is largely attributable to factors other than the lack of feminist pressure. Indeed feminist reservations were partly a realistic response to these external constraints. But they were also a consequence of the particular character of second wave feminism in Britain and of the questions posed by the issue of childcare for feminists. These questions included the nature and proper role of the state, motherhood, the value of paid employment for women, social class and the tension between short and long-term strategies for social change.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 3995
Author(s):  
Buğra Kalkan ◽  
Devrim Özkan

Public choice, emerged as an economic theory with regard its methodology but focused on political decision making processes and political institutions, has increased its influence on political science in the last twenty years. It is claimed that public choice is a radical disengagement from conventional political studies due to its neo-classical tools applied to politics. But it could also be claimed that public choice has done nothing new but just revived the old topics with a new theoretical tool set, considering the subjects that were examined by the classical political theorists. In this paper, the roots of the subjects examined by public choice theory in the classical writings of the political philosophers are analysed,concerning the problem of social coordination role of the state. These classical thinkers are specified as Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke and Hume.  ÖzetYöntem bakımından ekonomi disiplininden çıkmış olmakla birlikte, konusu itibariyle politik karar süreçlerini ve politik kurumları inceleyen kamu tercihi teorisi, özellikle son yirmi yıldır politika bilimindeki etkinliğini artırmıştır. Kamu tercihinin, neo-klasik iktisadın pek çok aracını politikaya uyarladığı gerekçesi ile geleneksel politika araştırmalarından radikal bir kopuşu temsil ettiği ileri sürülür. Ancak modern politik teorinin bazı klasik filozoflarının ele aldıkları temel konular incelendiğinde, kamu tercihi teorisinin, bu geleneksel sorunsalları yeni teorik kavram setleri ile yeniden canlandırmaktan öte bir iş yapmadıkları da iddia edilebilir. Bu çalışmada devletin ortaya çıkışı ve devletin sosyal işbirliğini sağlamada oynadığı rol üzerinden kamu tercihinin ele aldığı konuların klasik politika yazarlarındaki kökleri incelenmektedir. Bu klasik yazarlar, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke ve Hume olarak belirlenmiştir. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-68
Author(s):  
Ben Crewe ◽  
Alice Ievins

Prison scholarship has tended to focus on the pains and frustrations that result from the use and over-use of penal power. Yet the absence of such power and the subjective benefits of its grip are also worthy of attention. This article begins by drawing on recent literature and research findings to develop the concept of ‘tightness’ beyond its initial formulation. Drawing primarily on data from a study of men convicted of sex offences, it goes on to explain that, in some circumstances, the reach and hold of penal power are not experienced as oppressive and undesirable, and, indeed, may be welcomed. Conversely, institutional inattention and an absence of grip may be experienced as painful. Prisons, then, can be ‘loose’ or ‘lax’ as well as ‘tight’. The article then discusses the different ways in which prisons exercise grip, and, in doing so, recognise or misrecognise the subjectivity of the individual prisoner. It concludes by identifying the connections between this ‘ground-up’ analysis of the relative legitimacy of different forms of penal intervention and recent discussions in penal theory about the proper role of the state in communicating censure and promoting personal repentance and change.


2012 ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
Valeria De Bonis

This paper analyses the scientific and institutional debate on fiscal federalism that took place in Italy in the period between the early Seventies and the early Nineties, when the traditional approach was confronted with the new public choice one, in the context of the changing views on the role of the state. The issue is studied within the set of constraints and opportunities deriving from the European integration process. The proposals put forth in the early Nineties exemplify the emerging model of fiscal federalism both for Europe and for Italy.


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