The Representation of Egypt in the Book of Jeremiah

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-77
Author(s):  
Safwat Marzouk

This chapter discusses the representation of Egypt in the book of Jeremiah. The prophetic traditions embedded in the book of Jeremiah portray Egypt in a negative way across the span of the history of the people of Israel, from their exodus from Egypt all the way to the chaotic situation after the Babylonian invasion of Jerusalem. The negative portrayal of Egypt stems from the view that Egypt feeds into Judah’s rebellion against YHWH, whether in entering a political alliance with Egypt against Babylon or seeking a place of refuge in Egypt after the exile. The chapter begins with a survey of the political situation in the last decade of Judah. The study moves on to show that the prophetic references to the exodus from Egypt intend to highlight YHWH’s faithfulness and the people’s disobedience, which was manifested most poignantly in their determination to return to Egypt; a geographical move that reverses the exodus. Finally, after examining the prophetic judgments pronounced against the Judean diaspora in Egypt, the chapter concludes with a reflection on Jeremiah’s discourse on resisting the empire and forced migration.

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 657-677 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilhelm J. Wessels

The book of Jeremiah reflects a particular period in the history of Judah, certain theological perspectives and a particular portrayal of the prophet Jeremiah. Covenant theology played a major role in Jeremiah’s view of life and determined his expectations of leaders and ordinary people. He placed high value on justice and trustworthiness, and people who did not adhere to this would in his view bear the consequences of disobedience to Yahweh’s moral demands and unfaithfulness. The prophet expected those in positions of leadership to adhere to certain ethical obligations as is clear from most of the nouns which appear in Jeremiah 5:1–6. This article argues that crisis situations in history affect leaders’ communication, attitudes and responses. Leaders’ worldviews and ideologies play a definitive role in their responses to crises. Jeremiah’s religious views are reflected in his criticism and demands of people in his society. This is also true as seen from the way the people and leaders in Judah responded to the prophet’s proclamation. Jeremiah 5:1–6 emphasises that knowledge and accountability are expected of leaders at all times, but in particular during unstable political times.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 5-8
Author(s):  
Basudevlal Das

Devalakshmidevi was a dauther of king Jayatungamalla of Kathmandu valley. She was married with king Harisinghadeva, the last king of Karnata Dynasty in Mithila. In those days, the capital of Mithila was Simaraungarh, which is at present in Bara district, Narayani Zone of Nepal. In 1326 A.D. Ghiyas-uddin Tughlaq, the Turk emperor of Delhi, invaded his kingdom of Mithila. After the downfall of the capital, king Harisinghadeva departed towards Kathmandu valley with his family but he died in the way. Then his wife and other members of his family entered into valley as an honourable guests. Queen Devalakshmidevi lived in Yuthunima palace where her brother Jayarudramalla was the king. After the death of Jayarudramalla the political situation of the palace became very critical and by her abilities and qualities, Devalakshmidevi became able to establish her control over the rule and administration of the valley during the long period of thirty years from 1336 A.D. to 1366 A.D. Thus, she appears as a very influential personality in the history of medieval Nepal.Academic Voices Vol.5 2015: 5-8 


Author(s):  
O. Shutak ◽  
N. Konoplenko

Many figures of Ukrainian culture are waiting for the recognition, study and promotion of their work. Among them is the representative of the Ukrainian intelligentsia at the end of the 19th – the first half of the 20th centuries – Ksenophon Sosenko, who played an important role in the folklore process in Galicia in the 20–30's of the last century. He was an adherent of the Viennese Cultural and Historical School, adopting its methodology, which he applied in his thorough and original works which still impress the scholarly erudition. The article attempts to characterize the life and scientific path of O. Ksenofont, to identify the main directions of research and its contribution to the history of Ukrainian folklore. Attention is drawn to how K. Sosenko illuminated the “moral image of the people”, as expressed by P. Kulish, having touched on the problems of ethno-ethics, emphasized the people's view of traditions as holiness, as a moral duty. The studies of the researcher are imbued with patriotism. K. Sosenko's desire in all his writings to prove the autochthonousness of the Ukrainians on their land was determined primarily by the political situation of the early XX century. When pessimism, panic, despair, and indifference prevailed in Ukraine after the unsuccessful national-political contests of 1917–1919, it was K. Sosenko's studies that once again aimed to reaffirm to the world that Ukrainians have their original history, rich and unique culture and, therefore, have the right to live on their own lands and on their state forever.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-166
Author(s):  
Yves T’Sjoen

The première of Claus’ play Het leven en de werken van Leopold II (The Life and Works of Leopold II), in November 1970 (by the company Nederlandse Comedie), was directed by the author himself. After a second and again rather unsuccessful run (1972–1973, Arena, director: J. Tummers) it disappeared from the stage for nearly thirty years: there was no other production of Claus’ play in the Low Countries until the autumn of 2002 (KVS, director: R. Ruëll). Undoubtedly Het leven en de werken van Leopold II is one of the lesser-known plays by the Flemish author Hugo Claus (1929–2008). While writing it, at the end of the sixties, Claus was simultaneously working on two poetry collections. Van horen zeggen contains accessible poems, sometimes rather anecdotal, with many references to the contemporary political situation. These poems show a clear affinity with the neo-realistic poetry that was dominant in Dutch-language literature in the sixties. Also in 1970, on the same day as Van horen zeggen, Claus published Heer Everzwijn (Lord Wild Boar), manneristic poetry showing another poeta faber. Given Claus’ interest in the history of the Congo Free State (see also the novel De geruchten [The rumours]) and the way he caricatures King Leopold II and his government in Het leven en de werken, it is worth investigating the political and social perspectives articulated in both his drama and his poetry. What are the similarities between the poet and the playwright? How can we explain his interest in the way Leopold mistreated the people of the Congo? In this essay I present the ideological and social points of view adopted by Claus in a broad literary and political context, studying his play on Leopold’s atrocities in what would later (in 1908) become a Belgian colony, alongside the poetry he produced in the same period. 


Author(s):  
Rembert Lutjeharms

This chapter introduces the main themes of the book—Kavikarṇapūra, theology, Sanskrit poetry, and Sanskrit poetics—and provides an overview of each chapter. It briefly highlights the importance of the practice of poetry for the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition, places Kavikarṇapūra in the (political) history of sixteenth‐century Bengal and Orissa as well as sketches his place in the early developments of the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition (a topic more fully explored in Chapter 1). The chapter also reflects more generally on the nature of both his poetry and poetics, and highlights the way Kavikarṇapūra has so far been studied in modern scholarship.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Suhail Hussein Al-Fatlawi

<p>Democracy was established in the Greek cities in the fifth century B.C. It is a liberal western system. In this regard, various Islamic countries applied democracy as a political and legal system where the people elect their representatives in the legislative authority in order to put the legal regulations that organize the human behavior.</p>The research included a brief idea about liberal democracy, its history and objectives, the political and legal system in the Islamic state, the dispute among Muslim scholars on the application of democracy in the Islamic states; some Muslim scholars refuse to apply democracy since the legal system in Islam relies on the Holly Qor'an and the Prophet's speeches, which are a biding regulation for Muslims, while other authors believe that Islam accepts democracy and others think that Islam should have its special democracy that differs from the liberal democracy. This paper discussed the political and legal systems that were applied the Islamic state during the history of Islam. Finally the paper presented the most conclusions and recommendations reached by the researcher.


2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yangwen Zheng

The history of opium is a major theme in modern Chinese history. Books and academic careers have been devoted to its study. Yet the question that scholars of the opium wars and of modern China have failed to ask is how the demand for opium was generated. My puzzle, during the initial stage of research, was who smoked opium and why. Neither Chinese nor non-Chinese scholars have written much about this, with the exception of Jonathan Spence. Although opium consumption is a well-acknowledged fact, the reasons for its prevalence have never been fully factored into the historiography of the opium wars and of modern China. Michael Greenberg has dwelt on the opium trade, Chang Hsin-pao and Peter Fay on the people and events that made armed conflicts between China and the West unavoidable. John Wong has continued to focus on imperialism, James Polachek on Chinese internal politics while Opium regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839–1952, the latest work, has studied the political systems that controlled opium. But the political history of opium, like the opium trade and the theatre of war, is only part of the story. We need to distinguish them from the wider social and cultural life of opium in China. The vital questions are first, the point at which opium was transformed from a medicine to a luxury item and, secondly, why it became so popular and widespread after people discovered its recreational value. It is these questions that I address. We cannot fully understand the root problem of the opium wars and their role in the emergence of modern China until we can explain who was smoking opium and why they smoked it.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
Denisa Nestakova ◽  
Eduard Nižňanský

This article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews of Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of the Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish arch­bishop, Erling Eidem, and the Slovak consul, Bohumil Pissko, in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials, including the president of the Slovak Republic, Jozef Tiso, revoked further negotiations in the autumn of 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope for actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed­ to failure because of the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant for a description of the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community could well have prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred, given the Slovak interest in deporting their own Jewish citizens and later the German occupation of Slovakia. 


2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.


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