scholarly journals Lo que fue ya no es y lo nuevo aún no toma forma: elecciones 2006 en perspectiva histórica

2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
The Relationship

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.

scholarly journals Electoral behaviour in the Kraków metropolitan area: 1993–2011

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (35) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Radosław Linkowski
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
The City

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to describe changes in support for the four principal political options (‘right’, ‘left’, ‘liberal’, ‘peasant’) available in the Kraków Metropolitan Area (KMA) in parliamentary elections in the period 1993–2011. The electoral behaviour of the residents of the various KMA zones became increasingly similar in the study period. The political ‘distance’ between the northern commuter zone of the KMA (part of the Russian partition in the 19th c.) and the rest of the KMA, decreased significantly. The suburban zone of Kraków also changed over the course of the study period by becoming significantly similar to the city in terms of voting behaviour. This political change was largely due to substantial social and economic changes in the rural parts of the metropolitan area. Urban areas in the KMA were much more stable in their voting patterns and tended to politically resemble one another much more than rural areas. The city of Kraków and the southern part of its commuter zone – part of the Austrian partition in the 19th c. – were characterized by fewer fluctuations in voting behaviour than the two remaining parts of the KMA.

scholarly journals Axiology of the Political Dichotomy of the Russian Screen Content's Political "Overtone"

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-133
Author(s):  
Sergei Nikolayevich Ilchenko
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Value Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian History ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
Tv Shows ◽  
The Relationship

The article analyses the political confrontations in Russian history of the 20th century as reflected in domestic audiovisual productions. The problem of the relationship between "the Reds" and "the Whites" is investigated by the author through films and TV shows in terms of the value systems of the belligerent social forces.

scholarly journals Images of madness. The end of mental hospitals illustrated through photographs

2004 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. A03 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Manzoli
Keyword(s):  
Science Communication ◽  
History Of Psychiatry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Profound Change ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Mental Hospitals ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Revolution

The use of photography in the field of psychiatry is an eloquent example of the complex evolution of the relationship between science, communication and society. The research that follows analyses the development of such a relationship in a crucial period of the history of psychiatry: the 1970s. That was the time that witnessed the revolution of a science which admitted the failure of its methods and "instruments", mental hospitals. That was also the time when a profound change took place in the communicative methods of photography related to this uncertain field of knowledge. A group of photographers, driven by the political situation of the time, covered the end of mental hospitals.

scholarly journals Historia política del Tucumán durante el siglo XVII. Tradiciones explicativas y nuevas perspectivas de investigación.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guillermo Nieva Ocampo ◽  
Daniela Alejandra
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Perspectives ◽  
History Of ◽  
New Research ◽  
Siglo Xx

El objetivo de este trabajo es exponer las diversas interpretaciones que se realizaron sobre la historia política del Tucumán durante el siglo XVII. A la luz del desarrollo historiográfico del siglo XX hasta nuestros días, proponemos, además, nuevas perspectivas de investigación que consideramos necesarias.  The objetive of this work is to expose the various interpretations that were made about the political history of Tucuman during the 17th century. In the light of the historiographic development of the 20th century to the present day, we also propose new research perspectives that we consider necessary.

scholarly journals Resisting the White Possessive

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stine H. Bang Svendsen
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Feminist Scholarship ◽  
The South ◽  
Race And Racism ◽  
Black Feminist ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Indigenous Feminism ◽  
The Relationship

At the turn to the 20th century settler colonialist and racist policies of land theft and systematic devaluation of Sámi livelihoods had produced an acute and dire political situation in Sápmi. Elsa Laula (1877-1931) and Karin Stenberg (1884-1969) were central activists and writers in the anticolonial Sámi national movement that organised in the south of Sápmi at this time. The political analyses in Laula´s book Inför lif eller död (1904) and Stenberg and collegues´ Dat läh mijen situd! (1920) offer scathing critiques of the settler colonial racism of the Swedish state at the time. Their contributions theorize the relationship between whiteness and property in the colonization of Sápmi, and the crucial role that racialization of the Sámi people have played in this process. These theoretical contributions are largely unknown to Nordic feminist scholarship on race and racism, however. In this paper I show how Laula and Stenberg´s analysis of racism offered insights that feminists would lend from American and British black feminist scholarship, as well as Australian indigenous feminism almost a hundred years after they were first formulated in the Nordic context. Finally, I consider possible reasons for the denial of this scholarly history in Nordic feminism. Merk: Selv om abstractet er på engelsk kan jeg godt holde innlegget på norsk.

Constitutional transition to democracy in Spain

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-109
Author(s):  
N. N. Zhukov
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
History Of

In this article the author analyses formation of the country's constitutional legislation system. In the 20th century Spain experienced three different periods: the years of the Second Republic in 1931-1939, the Franco's dictatorship of 1939-1975 and the period of transition to democracy or, as it is called ‘constitutional transit' of 1975-1980, when the basic laws and regulations of democratic Spain were adopted. Each of these periods corresponded with fundamentally different lawmaking processes, based on different legal judicial norms that were strongly influenced by the peculiarities of the political situation in the country. This article examines the background of the creation of Spanish constitutions in a particular historical period, the domestic and international situation and its influence on the peculiarities of lawmaking process. The author studies the history of the constitutional documents' adoption, considers and examines their structure and content in a highly detailed way. The author scrutinizes not only the logic, but also the sequence and reasons for the adoption of all Spanish constitutional and legal acts, as well as their meaning and influence on the legal system of the state. The Fundamental Laws of Frankish Spain, as well as the Spanish Constitution of 1978, the Political Reform Act, the rulings of the Spanish Constitutional Court and other acts, the peculiarities of the transition process to democracy and the legal break with the Frankish epoch and its system of lawmaking are studied in the article. It is worth noting that, at a time when the exist opinions that the Spanish Constitution is outdated and needs reforming, the conclusion about its fundamental role for the peaceful transition to a new Spain at the end of the 20th century and its legal relevance is the issue of utmost importance.

Elites, power and ideology in Algeria: between state-building and political change

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-378
Author(s):  
Mourad Bensaid ◽  
Salah Ziani
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Responsibility ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Relationship

This paper analyses the relationship between the elites and the ruling authority in Algeria and the influence of ideology on the development of this relationship through a study of the roles undertaken by the elites from independence to today. The Algerian elites and the ruling authority participated together in building the Algerian state, after which relations between the two parties cooled, so political conditions in Algeria had to follow a trajectory similar to that of other Arab countries. This will transform the concerns of the elites, now merely political decor for legitimatizing the ruling authority within a nation-building strategy, into real agents in the political process, thereby guaranteeing political change and allowing the political map in Algeria to be redrawn. However, concerns have arisen about the distinct role and attitude of the Algerian elites towards issues of political change, especially within the scope of the so-called ‘Arab Spring revolutions’. Therefore, the stages in the process of democratic transition require careful attention to avoid any relapse that may obstruct and destroy the transition, preventing the complete metamorphosis to democracy. That is contingent on the role of the elites who are steering the transition, since they embody the popular will by granting the masses an opportunity to choose the political system that suits them. It is the elites' historical responsibility for leading this difficult stage in the history of a nation which is considering taking its fate into its own hands.

Political Economy, Race, and National Identity in Central America, 1500–2000

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dario A. Euraque
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Critical Race Theory ◽  
Central America ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
North Coast ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spanish Colonialism ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between historically specific ideas of race and national identity in Central America between the onset of Spanish colonialism in the region, in about 1500, and the end of the 20th century is very complicated. The relationship is rooted not only in the political economy of the region and subregions that were under Spanish colonialism, but also in Spain’s resistance to incursions of British colonialism in the area, particularly on the North Coast, well into the late 18th century, and in some areas of Central America into the 1850s. The nexus between the political economy of nation-state formation in the postcolonial setting deepened after break of the Federation of Central America in the late 1830s, especially after the rise of coffee and bananas as major regional exports. Independent governments in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica tried to impose “imagined political communities” over these exports that would be different from the colonial identities designed by the Spanish imperialism of the past. In this 20th century context, mestizaje, or ladinizaje, became state sanctioned; it promoted racialized national identities in each of these countries, mostly the idea of ethnicity, albeit with critical regional and subregional differences, particularly between Guatemala and Costa Rica. Historiographies that have been influenced by postmodern sensibilities, particularly critical race theory, the new cultural history, and subaltern studies, have influenced recent understanding of the political economy of race and nationality in Central America.

scholarly journals La delegación carlista de Matías Barrio y Mier (1899-1909). Continuismo tradicionalista

STUDIUM ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 161-193
Author(s):  
Agustín Fernández Escudero
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
History Of ◽  
Don Carlos ◽  
Siglo Xx

Resumen El carlismo de los primeros años del siglo xx estaba dirigido por Matías Barrio y Mier, un tradicionalista, abogado y catedrático, al que don Carlos —Carlos VII para los carlistas—, nombró su delegado en diciembre de 1899, tras la dimisión del marqués de Cerralbo. Este profesor continuó ejerciendo la representación carlista hasta su muerte en junio de 1909, dejando un partido que había superado la crisis de 1900 y que buscaba su propio espacio público. Por otro lado, se ha visto que a don Carlos en aquellos años le preocupaba, más que la situación política o económica de España, constatar que no estaba dispuesto a abdicar en su hijo don Jaime y que, en la última sublevación carlista de 1900, él no había tenido participación. Por tanto, se ha considerado necesario mostrar la defensa que hacía el pretendiente de sus derechos dinásticos, contextualizándola con los cruciales momentos de la Historia de España en los años de la delegación de Barrio y Mier. Palabras clave: carlismo, don Carlos, Barrio y Mier, don Jaime, Feliú, marqués de Cerralbo   Abstract The carlism of early twentieth century. Carlism directed by Matías Barrio y Mier, a traditionalist, a lawyer and professor, which don Carlos, Charles VII to the Carlists, named his deputy in December 1899, following the demission of the Marquis of Cerralbo. This teacher continued to exercise the Carlist representation until his death in June 1909, leaving a party that had overcome the crisis of 1900 and sought their own public space. On the other hand, it has been seen that don Carlos in those years was concerned, rather than the political situation or economic of Spain, finding that it was not willing to abdicate in his son don Jaime and the last Carlist uprising in 1900, he had not been involved. Therefore, it was considered necessary to show the defense that made the suitor of his dynastic rights, contextualizing the crucial moments in the history of Spain in the years of the delegation of Barrio y Mier. Key words: carlism, don Carlos, Barrio y Mier, don Jaime, Feliú, Marquis of Cerralbo

THE KING WHO RISES AND REPENTS (TWO HYPOSTASES OF JAN III SOBIESKI IN THE REPORTS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT)

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-50
Author(s):  
ARSENIY BOGATYREV
Keyword(s):  
Russian Translation ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Xvii Century ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

The Age of Louis XIV is characterized by the pomp and splendor of court ceremonial, which had the goal, among other things, to exalt the figure of the sovereign. But in different traditions, not everything was so clear. This paper examines two seemingly mutually exclusive characteristics of the king of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth, Jan III Sobieski. In the Russian translation of records from the reports of the Moscow permanent embassy in Warsaw, the image of the monarch is combined with the exploits of the crusaders. The passage clarifies some aspects of the political propaganda of the epoch of Jan III, makes it possible to better imagine the folding of his image as a knight of the new crusades against the Muslim Turks. The reference to the crusaders also fills in some gaps in the awareness of some Russians-intellectuals, representatives of high society, about the history of the Crusader movement. Another case studied in the article is not the heroic side of the king, a penitent sinner who begs for forgiveness for a crime of the legendary past. Here a phrase is analyzed, which in the Russian translation of the novel by the popular Polish writer Andrzej Sapkowski "Narrenturm" was rendered as "pal krestom na pol". This is not the first appearance of the expression in Russian - we notice something similar in the notes of the Russian resident in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The author of the article tries to reveal the "semantic levels" of an unusual phrase, to discover the relationship between the utterance and the cultural and political situation in Rzeczpospolita of the XVII century.

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