Revolution and the Cristeros

Author(s):  
Julia G. Young

During Mexico’s Cristero War (1926–1929), when Mexican Catholic rebels took up arms to overthrow the anticlerical government of President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924–1928). After almost three years of fighting, the war formally ended with peace accords between the Catholic hierarchy and the State in June 1929. To understand the Cristero War, however, it is necessary to focus on more than just the three-year period during which the war was fought. Indeed, it was a conflict with deep historical antecedents. Furthermore, after the peace accords it did not completely disappear, but rather persisted and mutated. Additionally, it became a transnational conflict by attracting the attention and participation of migrants; and finally, it has recently been revived as a contemporary issue for Catholics across the globe.

Author(s):  
Roger Mac Ginty ◽  
Paula Banerjee

This chapter examines the relationship between social justice, security and peace. The authors note significant internal heterogeneity in India and Europe, despite the statebuilding efforts in India and standardization processes in Europe. The authors give an overview of five sets of ideas which have linked social justice and peace. All five sets of ideas are showing that if social justice is taken seriously then social harmony will be preserved and at the same time tensions will be reduced, together with chances for conflict. However, they find that peace accords have a tendency to emphasize security rather than welfare. This is because international interventions are usually led by leading actors from the global north who are guided by neoliberal agenda. They usually underplay social aspects of the state and emphasise its security aspect. This is one of the reasons why priority is given to security over social justice, when sequencing of activities in the intervention. The authors give an example of reforms in Georgia which led to drastic undermining of state in terms of social provision. They conclude that international attempts which focus on social justice are much fewer in numbers than those which address security issues.


Author(s):  
Mario Roberto Morales

Guatemala is one of the most complicated countries in the Latin American region, especially because of the interethnic dimensions of its historical processes. Its history goes back 35,000 years, when the territory was first populated. Thereafter, it saw the development of the most advanced culture in the Americas: The Maya civilization. No less interesting is its colonial history. The years of the war of conquest and the centuries of colonial rule by the Spaniards are the very matrix in which all of the complicated ethnic differences among its peoples originated. These differences give an ethnic face to the economic, political, social, and cultural powers and events in everyday life. The name Criollos (Creole) was given to the sons and grandsons of Spaniards born in the Americas. The formation of a Creole or Criollo motherland in the hearts and minds of the descendants of the conquistadors quickly developed because of the feudal land ownership imposed by the invaders, which provided the Criollos with a love of private property. Land ownership disputes among the Criollo elites gave way to wars that led to a failed attempt at Central American unity by liberals against the conservative forces representing the interests of the Catholic Church in matters of state. In the end, a liberal “modernity” was imposed, but this modernity contained a basic contradiction that remains alive to this day: A feudal land tenure as the basis of a supposed democratic liberal state that, oddly enough, often took the form of military dictatorships. The impossibility of modernity characterizes the Guatemalan 20th century. An authoritarian state and army represented the oligarchic Criollo power throughout the first four decades of that century until a civic and military movement overthrew the dictator in charge, General Jorge Ubico. Democracy was established, thus modernizing the state and all public affairs, and the foundations of a “democratic Capitalism” (as President Jacobo Arbenz called it in his inauguration speech) were laid through a land reform affecting only public lands and buying private non-cultivated properties at a fair market price. In the midst of the Cold War, this meant defiance against the U.S. government. In 1954, the CIA, the local oligarchy, the Catholic Church hierarchy, and a faction of the National Army, perpetrated a coup d’état that ended Guatemala’s path toward real economic, political, and cultural modernity. The country went back to where it was: Oligarchic and military rule and the overexploitation of the landless campesino workforce, especially in the indigenous communities of Maya ascent. In the early 1960s Guatemalans experienced the emergence of a guerrilla socialist movement inspired by the Cuban revolution that unleashed a war that lasted 36 years until peace accords were signed in 1996 by a militarily defeated guerrilla force and a triumphant National Army. This “peace” was the local requisite imposed by the corporate transnational capital on the local oligarchy to install a neoliberal regime in the country. Immediately after the peace accords were signed, the oligarchic government of Álvaro Arzú began to privatize public assets like the electric and telephone companies. The effect on the popular sectors and the middle class was devastating. The state abandoned its development plans, and this responsibility was shifted to international funding agencies. The resultant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) began to call themselves “civil society” and still do today. This simulacrum of a civil society was composed by well-funded groups of ex–left-wing militants and sympathizers that soon embraced and advanced issues related to multiculturalism, following the international agenda of the funding agencies. Class struggle was totally abandoned by these politically correct NGOs, which soon became “new social movements.” Public powers were absorbed by illegal private powers now in association with drug trafficking and many other forms of organized crime. Neoliberalism became the national economic paradigm. And when public corruption was incontrollable, the United States intervened, waging a “struggle against corruption and impunity” that led to a “color revolution” and a soft coup d’état in 2015.


Author(s):  
Yi Guo

Observers of the media landscape in China often express the criticism that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restriction and that mass media is run in an ‘authoritarian mode.’ Yet how did the state of press freedom in China end up like this? Was this an inevitable outcome, or are there historical antecedents that predate the communist system? To answer these questions, we need to conduct a comprehensive inquiry into China’s history of press freedom because today’s conception of press freedom is fundamentally related to its past. In the case of China, this conceptual history has so far received little attention. This chapter delineates theoretical backgrounds and methodological issues relating to the conceptual history of press freedom in China.


Author(s):  
Victoria Pérez de Guzmán ◽  
Juan Trujillo-Herrera ◽  
Encarna Bas Pena

Social education in Spain has become increasingly popular in recent decades as both a socio-educational action/intervention and as a profession. The history of social education is a combination of various microhistories that have evolved within different areas. In order to understand the “micro” component of these histories, we need a perspective of the “macro,” while also keeping in mind that the microhistories are essential to understanding the true development of social education on a general level. The goals of this research are: to approximate the key historical antecedents that have influenced the development of social education in Spain as both a socio-educational action/intervention and a profession, to demonstrate the importance of analyzing the history of social education through microhistories, and to indicate the key elements and criteria necessary to carry out our microhistory of social education. Our methodology is the state of the field documentary research modality, which facilitated our study of the collective knowledge addressing a pedagogy of social education. This qualitative-documentary and critical-interpretive methodology followed these steps: contextualization, classification, and categorization. The main conclusion will indicate the definition of key points as well as the criteria necessary to be able to carry out a microhistory of social education.


2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-12
Author(s):  
Judith Keene

Abstract This special issue of The Public Historian will examine what is a pressing, pervasive, traumatic, and very public contemporary issue in which history and historians are heavily involved in many countries around the globe. Authors will investigate a range of issues around the state involvement in death, including the role of the state as perpetrator and its responsibilities to the victims and their families; the process and significance of exhumation, of identification, and of repatriation; the status of refugees and displaced peoples who die when legally stateless and so without state protection; the differing transnational stances in tracing and punishing the perpetrators; the fraught issue of personal and official reparation; and the role and efficacy of international justice.


Author(s):  
David Churchill

This book provides the first detailed study of policing and civilian crime control in nineteenth-century England. It provides a sustained, empirically rich critique of existing accounts, which present the modern history of crime control as a process whereby the state wrested governmental power from the civilian public. According to the orthodox interpretation, the formation of new, ‘professional’ police forces in the nineteenth century is integral to the decline of an early modern, participatory, discretionary culture of self-policing, and its replacement by a modern, bureaucratic system of crime control. This book critically challenges the established view, and presents a fundamental reinterpretation of changes to crime control in the age of the new police. It breaks new ground by providing a highly detailed, empirical analysis of informal, civilian crime control—which reveals the tremendous activity which ordinary people displayed in responding to crime—alongside a rich survey of formal policing and criminal justice. With unique conceptual clarity, it seeks to reorient modern criminal justice history away from its established preoccupation with state systems of policing and punishment, and move towards a more nuanced analysis of the governance of crime. More widely, the book provides a valuable vantage point from which to rethink the role of civil society and the state in modern governance, the nature of agency and authority in Victorian England, and the historical antecedents of the pluralized modes of crime control which characterize contemporary society.


Author(s):  
T. A. Welton

Various authors have emphasized the spatial information resident in an electron micrograph taken with adequately coherent radiation. In view of the completion of at least one such instrument, this opportunity is taken to summarize the state of the art of processing such micrographs. We use the usual symbols for the aberration coefficients, and supplement these with £ and 6 for the transverse coherence length and the fractional energy spread respectively. He also assume a weak, biologically interesting sample, with principal interest lying in the molecular skeleton remaining after obvious hydrogen loss and other radiation damage has occurred.


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