Nationalism and Politics in Zimbabwe

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alois S. Mlambo
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
National Union ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Robert Mugabe ◽  
Ruling Party

This chapter focuses on nationalism in past and present Zimbabwean politics. It first traces the history and nature of anti-colonial nationalism in Zimbabwe, after which it sets out continuities and discontinuities of anti-colonial nationalism in independent Zimbabwe. The chapter is principally interested in the post-2000 years, which witnessed the rise of a particular and influential authoritarian nationalism and its temporary decline in the period November 2017 to August 2018. The chapter maintains that after 2000, the governing Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) party propagated an exceedingly parochial and divisive authoritarian nationalism, predicated on loyalty to the ruling party. This authoritarian nationalism was prompted by the entrance of a credible opposition challenger to ZANU–PF in elections and was undergirded by a discriminatory rendition of Zimbabwe’s independence struggle history. ZANU–PF’s authoritarian nationalism was hardly brand new, since it had long roots in Zimbabwe’s anti-colonial nationalism, but its vigour and methodical promulgation by ZANU–PF constituted substantial discrepancies with past variations. Finally, the chapter argues that the removal of long-time ZANU–PF leader Robert Mugabe in a military coup in 2017 resulted in only a brief hiatus in ZANU–PF’s authoritarian nationalism, underscoring the deeply embedded nature of the ruling party’s authoritarian nationalist politics.

scholarly journals The motivations and dynamics of Zimbabwe’s 2017 military coup

2019 ◽  
Vol 119 (474) ◽  
pp. 39-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blessing-Miles Tendi
Keyword(s):  
Air Force ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
War Veterans ◽  
National Union ◽  
Military Action ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Game Theoretic ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Liberation Struggle ◽  
Robert Mugabe

ABSTRACT Robert Mugabe resigned as Zimbabwe’s president in November 2017, following a military action called Operation Restore Legacy. This article examines the motivations and dynamics of Operation Restore Legacy, which it characterizes as a coup by military generals that had significant commonalities with historical coups in Africa. This characterization, which is informed by the accounts of coup participants and a reading of the literature, challenges interpretations of the coup as ‘a non-coup-coup’, ‘very Zimbabwean’, or ‘special’. The article argues that the coup was a vote of no confidence in Mugabe’s leadership, which succeeded because soldiers from Zimbabwe’s 1970s independence war subscribed to the coup’s stated ideal to restore liberation struggle principles in the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front party as well as party members who had been sidelined. Liberation war veterans held decisive army and air force command posts when the coup occurred. The article’s emphasis on liberation struggle principles as a crucial determinant of the coup’s success is a counterpoint to game theoretic approaches to coup dynamics that disregard political beliefs as a consequential factor in the realization of coups. In respect of motivations, the article advances interrelating motives and contends that the coup’s catalyst was Mugabe’s refusal to meet his generals on 13 November 2017, for vital talks on widening differences between both parties. Sealing off dialogue catalyzed the coup.

Development in Zimbabwe: Strategy and Tactics

1981 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bratton
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Past ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
Social Inequities ◽  
Robert Mugabe ◽  
The Right

Events in independent Zimbabwe have confounded pundits on the left and the right who assumed that African resistance to settler colonial rule was more revolutionary than nationalistic. How can the rather unexpected direction of political and economic change in Zimbabwe since April 1980 be understood? The Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) Government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe has committed itself to redress the severe social inequities of the past, but has decided, at least at the outset, to reach its goals through a prudent rather than a doctrinaire approach. What factors explain the current development strategy? Does the apparent accommodation of Z.A.N.U. (P.F.) with private capital signal a dangerous divergence from the stated goal of building socialism? Or does it represent an awakening to the idea that economic production, even if organised on capitalist lines, is a prerequisite of development in Africa?

scholarly journals The anniversary of the military coup attempt in Turkey, July 15–16, 2016. The evolution of a political system

2017 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Coup Attempt

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

scholarly journals Mocking the just God? A theological critique of President Mnangagwa’s use of the name of God to justify his rule in Zimbabwe

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suspicion Mudzanire ◽  
Collium Banda
Keyword(s):  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Systematic Theology ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The People ◽  
Attributes Of God ◽  
Robert Mugabe ◽  
Theological Critique ◽  
The Voice ◽  
The Church

Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa justified his unconstitutional ascendency to power after a military coup that dethroned former President Robert Mugabe in 2017 by claiming that ‘the voice of the people is the voice of God’. He repeated the claim in 2018 when Nelson Chamisa refused to recognise him as the legitimately elected president of the country after accusing him of rigging the 2018 elections. Mnangagwa’s use of God’s name to authenticate his rule raises the question: as one of the foundational attributes of God is justice, what does it mean for political leaders openly claiming to be ordained into office by him? This leads to a further question: Has Mnangagwa’s rule satisfied the demands that come with claiming to be ordained by God to rule, and what should be the church’s response towards Mnangagwa’s rule in view of God’s justice? This article uses God’s attribute of justice to critically evaluate Mnangagwa’s claim that ‘the voice of the people is the voice of God’. The claim is described and placed within Mnangagwa’s claims and insinuations to be a Christian. His current rule, which is characterised by violent repression and corruption is examined and evaluated. God’s attribute of justice is presented and highlighted in how it challenges Mnangagwa to reform his rule to align it with God’s nature of justice.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The article combines insights from religion and politics, the mission of the church in a context of political oppression and systematic theology to highlight the need for the Zimbabwean churches to judge all political systems according to the adherence to God’s justice. It also provides some theological tools by which churches can protect themselves from being co-opted by unjust and oppressive regimes that violate God’s justice.

The Capture of Traditional Leaders by Political Parties in Zimbabwe for Political Expediency

2020 ◽  
pp. 196-219
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Kurebwa
Keyword(s):  
Colonial Period ◽  
Modern State ◽  
National Union ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Traditional Leaders ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Political Expediency ◽  
Democratic Change ◽  
Ruling Party

Traditional leaders have been at the centre of controversy from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. The recognition of traditional leaders by the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) in Zimbabwe has been controversial. Since 1999, the ZANU-PF government has been facing a serious political crises and an increasingly powerful opposition party (Movement for Democratic Change). Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other things recognizes the role of the institution of traditional leadership which operates alongside modern state structures. While recognizing the role and status of the institution, the Constitution strictly regulates the conduct of traditional leaders.

Salvador Allende

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven S. Volk
Keyword(s):  
September 11 ◽  
Medical Doctor ◽  
State Ownership ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Long Time

Salvador Allende Gossens (1908–1973), democratically elected President of Chile in 1970, pledged to move Chile to socialism within a constitutional framework. A medical doctor by training, and a long-time member of the Socialist Party, Allende won a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 1937 and the Senate in 1945. He campaigned for the presidency four times (1952, 1958, 1964, and 1970), always at the head of a coalition of left-wing parties. He was deeply committed to improving the condition of the country’s poor, workers, peasants, and women, insuring Chilean ownership of its natural resources, strengthening state ownership of the economy, and deepening popular democracy and worker control of industry. His program was undermined by the conservative opposition, conflicts within his own governing coalition, spontaneous revolutionary activism, and the unrelenting antagonism of the Nixon Administration. He died in a military coup on September 11, 1973, which initiated a 17-year long military dictatorship.

Patriotic Dollars: ZANU-PF and the Conjuring of a Truly Zimbabwean Currency

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy L. Jones
Keyword(s):  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
Monetary Value ◽  
Robert Mugabe ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Ruling Party

This chapter analyses the political rhetoric surrounding money in Zimbabwe, with a focus on the early 2000s and the era of hyperinflation. It argues that under President Robert Mugabe, the ruling party, ZANU-PF, consistently sought to anchor the value of the Zimdollar in the charged symbolism of racial autochthony, and ascribed drops in monetary value to the work of external forces and internal ‘sell-outs’. Despite some key changes, those efforts continue to resonate under the new administration of Emmerson Mnangagwa. The chapter traces this logic of economic indigeneity through several specific instances and demonstrates that conceptions of money and wealth have been central to ‘patriotic history’.

Crisis may spell end of South Korea's Park presidency

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
Security Clearance ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject Political crisis in South Korea. Significance President Park Geun-hye, whose leadership has been characterised foremost by scandals and the failure of every major policy initiative, faces her worst crisis yet. She admitted on October 25 to sharing official documents with Choi Sun-sil -- a long-time associate who has no formal post or security clearance. Park sacked all her senior secretaries on October 28, and the next day prosecutors searched the presidential office, and demonstrators called on Park to resign. Yesterday Choi flew back from Germany, where she had been lying low since July, saying she will co-operate with investigations. To opposition outrage, no move was made to arrest her upon arrival. Impacts The crisis is deeply negative for governance, domestically and abroad, especially if lines of authority in Seoul become contested. Park now has no standing left to press any elements of her fraying economic reform agenda. The National Assembly, normally secondary to the executive branch, will become the main locus of power for the time being. Though the ruling party seeks to distance itself, the scandal boosts the opposition's chances of regaining the presidency. The already flagging push (which Park spearheaded) for greater international pressure on Pyongyang will lose further momentum.

Growing Opposition in Zimbabwe

1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-30
Author(s):  
Virginia Curtin Knight
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Investment ◽  
Employment Growth ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
Robert Mugabe

A realignment of economic interests in Zimbabwe is fueling broad-based demands for an open, democratic, multiparty society. The shift in alignment comes as a result of the ruling party’s failure to meet the needs and expectations of the majority of Zimbabweans in the eleven years since independence. Under the leadership of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), headed by President Robert Mugabe, the government adopted socialism guided by Marxist-Leninist principles as its ideological philosophy. The socialist agenda, coupled with cumbersome, centralized decision-making by a bloated bureaucracy, discouraged domestic and foreign investment and stymied employment growth.

scholarly journals Establishment of a Periodic Printing System in Polyethnic Regions in 1900-1930s (on the Material of the Press of Kalmykia and Stavropol region)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (4) ◽  
pp. 226-235
Author(s):  
Baldzhya B. Dyakieva ◽  
Olga I. Lepilkina ◽  
Nina G. Ochirova
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Information Policy ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
The South ◽  
The Press ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Stavropol Region ◽  
Printing System ◽  
Bilingual Newspaper ◽  
Ruling Party

The formation of the system of periodicals in two similar and dissimilar polyethnic regions in the south of Russia – Kalmykia and Stavropol – developed according to the same scheme, but had significant nuances. The Stavropol press, aimed at the Russian majority in the region, appeared earlier (in 1850) and was typologically more diverse and numerous until the 1920s, while the publications created for the Kalmyks were for a long time isolated projects: The Russian-Kalmyk Calendar (1911-1918), a newspaper in the Kalmyk language «Oordin ziang» (1917-1918), leaflets and the first bilingual newspaper «Red Kalmyk» (1919-1920). A new stage in the development of journalism in the regions begins with the establishment of Soviet power after the end of the civil war. The work of the press is under the control of the ruling party, and the unification of the system of regional and local periodicals begins. Gradually, both in Kalmykia and in Stavropol, a harmonious system of periodicals was formed, lined up vertically and horizontally: regional / regional mass sociopolitical newspapers – regional / regional youth newspapers – regional / regional children’s newspapers – district / ulus socio-political newspapers – large circulation newspapers – wall newspapers. In addition to newspapers, instructor magazines for party and Soviet workers, literary and artistic publications of regional writers’ unions were published. The polyethnicity of the regions influenced the information policy of local periodicals and the structure of the press: in Kalmykia there were publications in the Kalmyk language, in Russian and bilingual, in Stavropol, along with publications in Russian, there were bilingual publications in two districts.

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