Political Culture

Author(s):  
Sofia Vasilopoulou ◽  
Daphne Halikiopoulou

Greek political culture has been characterized by a tension between, on the one hand, modern institutions and the participant values these have instilled, and on the other hand, the traditional/parochial values of the past. This chapter aims to explain the ways in which the participant and parochial elements of Greek political culture have interacted with reference to four dimensions of political culture, including types of engagement, citizenship, and political equality, solidarity, and the politics of consensus, and finally social structures of co-operation. While the Greek political system proved surprisingly resilient during the post-dictatorship era, and Greece’s membership of the European Union entailed a process of Europeanization, the 2008 eurozone crisis exposed its inherent tensions and systemic weaknesses, revealing its propensity for instability, extremism, and illiberalism. At the same time, however, the fragmentation of the party system and the entry of a few new political personnel have also facilitated the possibility for some reforms in the areas of human rights, minority policies, Church–State relations, and foreign policy. This suggests that political culture has also evolved, illustrating that, while as the literature argues, political cultures shape democratic institutions and to a great extent determine their stability, at the same time institutions also shape political cultures.

Author(s):  
A. Terentiev

A year ago the era of the Laborist’s ruling has ended in Britain. As a result of the one of the most intensive campaign over the past decade in Downing Street residence was the leader of the Conservative party. David Cameron's Britain is seen the author as the antipode to Brown’s one. According to experts, the two politicians are opposite directions of British political culture: an epicurean and puritanical. The author analyses the determinants of the coming to power of the Conservatives, the personal qualities of the new leader, the main directions of his domestic and foreign policies, including the prospects of relations with Russia.


Author(s):  
Eleonora Rosati

Compared to other areas of intervention at the European Union (EU) level, copyright harmonization is a relatively recent phenomenon. Compared to other areas of intellectual property law, copyright harmonization has not been as complete as with other rights. Yet, two phenomena may be observed: one the one hand, copyright policy and legislative initiatives have intensified over the past few years; on the other hand, the large number of references to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has substantially shaped the EU copyright framework and, with it, also the copyright framework of individual EU Member States....


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rouba Al-Fattal

Canada and the European Union (EU) share, to a certain extent, a similar political culture, one based on multilateralism and the use of soft power. Nevertheless, over the past fifteen years Canada has been sometimes adopting disarmament policies that are similar to those of the EU and different from those of the US, while in other times it has been adopting policies that are similar to those of the US and different from those of the EU. This indicates that similarity in political culture alone is not sufficient enough to create convergence on foreign policies and that certain conditions must first be met for political culture to take precedence over neorealist explanations when dealing with security issues. Using Canadian, EU and US decisions on the issues of anti-personnel landmines and Iranian nuclear proliferation dilemma as case studies, this article analyses the conditions under which political culture plays a role in forming similar security policies.


Author(s):  
Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot

CESAA 17TH ANNUAL EUROPE ESSAY COMPETITION 2009 - Honours winner: Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot, Monash UniversityOver the past decades, the European Union has witnessed an increasing apathy among European citizens’ vis-à-vis EU institutions. In 1993, EU elites formally introduced the idea of a ‘European citizenship’ in an attempt on the one hand, to reactivate the European integration project, and, on the other hand, to foster greater consciousness of the European identity which the EU is supposed to represent. What opportunities and challenges would Turkey’s accession to EU membership have on our idea of ‘European citizenship’ and ‘identity’? An analysis on the current debate regarding Turkey’s possible accession in the EU raises significant questions on the EU’s identity and on the role of the EU in the international community.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bouhania Qaui ◽  
Latrish Ismaiel

Since the transformation of the Algerian political system in 1989, the principle of separation of powers has emerged strongly in political life, as an inevitable alternative to what prevailed in the past from the consolidation of power under the one-party system, and with the fading of manifestations of enshrining the principle in the 1996 Constitution and the subsequent amendments that contributed to Strengthening presidential dominance of power, which resulted in a clear imbalance between powers, which called for the intervention of the Algerian constitutional founder in order to introduce new reforms in line with the urgent popular demands aimed at sending promising political reforms that guarantee good political governance, especially with regard to orga…


Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield

The Guerrilla Legacy of the Cuban Revolution examines the way in which the guerrilla origins of the Cuban Revolution have shaped the beliefs and values that have underpinned it since 1959. It argues that these beliefs and values comprise a political culture in which the figure of the guerrillero (guerrilla fighter) is revered and the past struggles are presented in the revolutionary historical narrative as both unfinished and guerrilla in their nature. Drawing on extensive analysis of official discourse across six decades, the book outlines a consistent, conscious promotion of a guerrilla ethos throughout the Revolution’s trajectory. On the one hand, it demonstrates how this promotion has contributed to garnering legitimacy for the decades-long political authority of former guerrilleros, even long after the end of the armed struggle that brought them to power. On the other hand, it reveals how, as part of the Revolution’s many mobilization drives since 1959, Cuban citizens have been encouraged to emulate the attributes embodied by guerrilleros heroicos such as Che Guevara and Antonio Maceo. Ultimately, the book proposes that it is this guerrilla discourse that holds the key to understanding not only the survival of the Revolution but also the longevity of its leadership.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter analyses power relations in the countryside, focusing on the relationships between the lords of the castle and the dependent peasants. The aim is twofold: on the one hand, to highlight the absence of a shared political culture and, on the other, to describe the individual ideas of each social group (the culture of violence promulgated by the lords, the attempt to establish pacts on the part of the peasants, the role of conflict in implementing political ties, etc.). In the face of such divergence, the chapter investigates the ways in which opposing political cultures could coexist and interact.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
BAOGANG HE ◽  
DAVID HUNDT

AbstractThe failure to reconcile views of the past and to address historical injustice has damaged inter-state relations in Northeast Asia. Joint committees, dialogues, and the participation of civil society have been used to address historical issues, but scholars in the disciplines of international relations and area studies have largely ignored these dialogues and deliberative forums. At the same time, there is an emergent theoretical literature on how deliberative democracy can address ethnic conflicts and historical injustice. There is a serious disconnect or distance between the theoretical literature on the resolution of conflicts via deliberation on the one hand, and empirical studies of deliberative approach in East Asia on the other. This article aims to address this shortcoming in the study of the politics of historical dispute in Northeast Asia by proposing a deliberative approach to history disputes and highlighting the achievements, limits, and dynamics of deliberation. Through mapping and comparative testing, we confirm that deliberation offers some potential for a departure from nationalist mentalities and a shift towards a consciousness of regional history in Northeast Asia. Our empirical test of the utility of the deliberative approach suggests that a new model for addressing regional disputes may be emerging.


Author(s):  
Rouba Al-Fattal

  Canada and the European Union (EU) share, to a certain extent, a similar political culture, one based on multilateralism and the use of soft power. Nevertheless, over the past fifteen years Canada has been sometimes adopting disarmament policies that are similar to those of the EU and different from those of the US, while in other times it has been adopting policies that are similar to those of the US and different from those of the EU. This indicates that similarity in political culture alone is not sufficient enough to create convergence on foreign policies and that certain conditions must first be met for political culture to take precedence over neorealist explanations when dealing with security issues. Using Canadian, EU and US decisions on the issues of anti-personnel landmines and Iranian nuclear proliferation dilemma as case studies, this article analyses the conditions under which political culture plays a role in forming similar security policies.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.188


Author(s):  
M.V. Kirchanov

The author analyzes the images of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages in the political cultures of Internet users in Russia and Bulgaria. The non-academic concepts of the history and status of the Macedonian and Ukrainian languages are analyzed, and the dependence of such theories on the political and ideological situation is shown. It is assumed that the analyzed interpretations of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages historically go back to the Russian and Bulgarian nationalisms, which deny the existence of separate Macedonian and Bulgarian languages, which automatically leads to non-recognition of the political legitimacy of countries where these languages are state ones. The author believes that the analyzed levels of political culture of Internet users, on the one hand, contradict the main provisions of academic science. On the other hand, it is assumed that the activity of supporters of the analyzed versions of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages perception is predominantly virtual, assisting to the formation of the image of the enemy in political cultures. The author believes that the analyzed moods are extremely stable and adaptive, forming symbolically significant dimensions of the Russian and Bulgarian nationalist imaginations in promotion both the concepts of identity and the formation of the images of the Other.


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