The Centre Party, Conservatives, and the Radical Right

Author(s):  
Shelley Baranowski

This chapter focuses on two major Weimar political parties, the anti-republican German National People’s Party (DNVP) and Catholic Centre Party, which acknowledged the Weimar Republic’s legitimacy and occupied a crucial position in every national coalition until mid-1932. Ultimately the DNVP’s support crumbled because it could not meet the expectations of its middle-class constituents. Although the Centre’s electorate remained stable by comparison, both parties succumbed ultimately to the determination of conservative elites after 1930 to pursue their interests through the commanding heights of the state and impose an authoritarian system.

Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Adhi Putra Satria

This study aims to provide knowledge about how to resolve village head election disputes in Indonesia after the issuance of Law No. 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. This research is qualitative research with a normative juridical approach. This research will focus on the discussion of how to resolve election disputes for Village Heads in Indonesia after the issuance of Law No. 6 of 2014, and how problems arise due to the settlement of disputes over the results of the Village Head election after the issuance of Law No. 6 of 2014. The results show that Law No. 6/2014 has mandated that the settlement of Village Head election disputes that are settled by the Regent / Mayor is no later than 30 days after the determination of the Village Head candidate elected by the Village Head election committee, however in its implementation there are still problems, these problems can be seen from not regulating changes and settling disputes over the results of the Village Head election. In addition, the problem with the authority given to the Regent / Mayor to resolve disputes over the results of the Village Head election is when the Regent / Mayor is a state institution that has the power of the state in the executive, not the judiciary, the Regent / Mayor is also a product of political parties, so that the authority is given It is feared that the authority to implement disputes over the results of the Village Head election will not be objective. The conclusion of this research is to form a special judicial institution for disputes over the results of village head elections.Keywords: Labor Social Security, Parking Attendants, Department of Transportation


Subject Elections and security. Significance The interior minister has ordered security personnel to assure “equal security to all political parties” contesting the June 4 commune council elections. Yet this follows remarks by other officials that “war” will occur if the governing Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) loses these or the 2018 general election, and promising a crackdown if the opposition does not respect either election’s result and undertakes violent street protests. Cambodia’s security forces will be central to election security, to any crackdown and to the post-election period. However, concerns have been raised about their relationship with the state. Impacts Using the security forces to perpetuate CPP rule could undermine Cambodia’s democratisation. However, renewed CPP government would assure internal security, aiding economic growth and investment. If the CNRP wins in 2018, the CPP would likely demand a power-sharing agreement rather than leave office.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Radoslav Stefancik ◽  
Ildikó Némethová ◽  
Terézia Seresová

Although the Slovak Republic is not a country of immigrants, since 2015 the topic of international migration has dominated its political discourse. Due to the migration situation in 2015, Slovak politicians have also begun to use the topic of migration to mobilise their voters. Paradoxically, there are no significant differences among the relevant Slovak political parties on this topic, hence Slovak politicians take a similar approach to the issue of migration. This article focuses on the People's Party Our Slovakia as a leading representative of far-right populism. We intend to explore how Slovak far-right populists articulate the issue of international migration. Our analysis has found that the language of far-right populists reflects a dichotomy of “we/us” (good) vs. “they/them” (evil). Far-right populists emphasise the negative consequences of migration, as they perceive migrants as a threat to national security. In-depth analyses of political texts have revealed that the securitisation of migration by far-right populists has several dimensions. Migrants are perceived as a threat to the economic, political and cultural security of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Ahmad Gelora Mahardika

This study aims to examine and find out how to determine the postponement of the State Administrative Court related to Political Parties, as well as to evaluate the Government's compliance with the Court's Decision even though the decision was in the form of a decision. The focus of this research is related to the government's attitude towards the determination of the delay issued by the Jakarta Administrative Court to the Decree of the Minister of Law and Human Rights related to the management of the United Development Party and the Golkar Party. The research method in this article is normative juridical using the legislative approach and looking at case studies in the United Development Party and the Golkar Party. The conclusion in this article is that the adjournment of the administrative court adjournment is not effective, especially those related to internal political party disputes.


Author(s):  
Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi

This chapter demonstrates how the Godhra incident became the occasion to declare a bandh (general strike) that was supported by all the main institutions of civil society and by political parties. The bandh call allowed a large part of a poor and despondent city population, who work as daily wage earners and cannot afford to skip income, to engage in street activities. Some of the themes present in these interactions include: a carnivalesque atmosphere of fun on the street in relation to a purported sense of anger, a cultivated and aloof distancing from the unfolding events by the middle class, the abdication of civic order and the visible passivity of the state police, invocations of sacrifice as idiom for killing, the discernment of an uncanny presence in sensitive city space, and imaginative material that mainly concerned sexual fantasies about women.


Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

The book integrates philosophical, historical, and empirical analyses in order to highlight the profound roots of the limited legitimation of parties in contemporary society. Political parties’ long attempts to gain legitimacy are analysed from a philosophical–historical perspective pinpointing crucial passages in their theoretical and empirical acceptance. The book illustrates the process through which parties first emerged and then achieved full legitimacy in the early twentieth century. It shows how, paradoxically, their role became absolute in the totalitarian regimes of the interwar period when the party became hyper-powerful. In the post-war period, parties shifted from a golden age of positive reception and organizational development towards a more difficult relationship with society as it moved into post-industrialism. Parties were unable to master societal change and favoured the state to recover resources they were no longer able to extract from their constituencies. Parties have become richer and more powerful, but they have ‘paid’ for their pervasive presence in society and the state with a declining legitimacy. The party today is caught in a dramatic contradiction. It has become a sort of Leviathan with clay feet: very powerful thanks to the resources it gets from the state and to its control of societal and state spheres due to an extension of clientelistic and patronage practices; but very weak in terms of legitimacy and confidence in the eyes of the mass public. However, it is argued that there is still no alternative to the party, and some hypotheses to enhance party democracy are advanced.


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