scholarly journals The Officer Compliance of Interlocutory Decisions of The Administrative Court (The Study of Golkar Party and Persatuan Pembangunan Party)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Ahmad Gelora Mahardika

This study aims to examine and find out how to determine the postponement of the State Administrative Court related to Political Parties, as well as to evaluate the Government's compliance with the Court's Decision even though the decision was in the form of a decision. The focus of this research is related to the government's attitude towards the determination of the delay issued by the Jakarta Administrative Court to the Decree of the Minister of Law and Human Rights related to the management of the United Development Party and the Golkar Party. The research method in this article is normative juridical using the legislative approach and looking at case studies in the United Development Party and the Golkar Party. The conclusion in this article is that the adjournment of the administrative court adjournment is not effective, especially those related to internal political party disputes.

Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Galih Raka Siwi ◽  
Reviansyah Erlianto ◽  
Maharani Nurdin

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimung­kinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 125-131
Author(s):  
Mia Siratni

Bawaslu resolves by deliberation by bringing together the disputing parties to then take a final and binding decision. The final and binding nature of this Bawaslu decision does not apply to certain disputes, namely the dispute over the verification of political parties participating in the General Election and the determination of the final list of candidates for the election of members of the DPR, DPD, and DPRD. The existence of these two characteristics of Bawaslu's decision then led to different interpretations between Bawaslu and the KPU. The formulation of the problem, namely 1). The authority of Bawaslu in resolving election disputes regarding the task of supervising the implementation of elections, 2). The nature of Bawaslu's decisions in resolving election disputes. The research method used in this paper is normative juridical, namely an approach to legal norms or applicable laws and regulations, theories, and history. From the discussion of the problem, it is concluded that a decision that is final and binding is given to Bawaslu by law in order to end election disputes so that it will show the role of Bawaslu as a unified function of organizing elections. Meanwhile, exceptions to the nature of final and binding decisions on political party verification disputes and the permanent list of candidates for members of the DPR, DPD, and DPRD indicate that Bawaslu is not a judicial institution, so it cannot decide disputes related to constitutional rights as election participants.


Author(s):  
Putu Eva Ditayani

This research examines the dissolution of political party by Constitutional Court, that becomes its authorities based on Article 24C UUDNRI 1945, from human right perspective. Indonesia as the state that implemented law of state of law acknowledge human rights as stated in the Constitution. Neverttheless, freedom of association as one of the principle of human rights as regulated in the Constitution, which used as the base of formation of a political party, can be ruled out and has limited implementation in which norms conflict arises. Limitation of freedom association is reflected in the sanction imposed by the Constitutional Court regarding dissolution of political party. The dissolution of political party by the Constitutional Court refers to certain regulation as Act No. 39 of 1999 that regulating Human Rights, Act No. 24 of 2003 that regulating The Constitutional Court, Act No. 2 of 2008 regulating Political Party, and The Constitutional Court Regulation governing the dissolution of a political party procedures by the Constutional Court. This research is a normative legal research that investigates the dissolution of a political party by the Constitutional Court that contrasts with formation of a political party as a representation of freedom of association, one of the human rights principle, without assessment on implementations or practices regarding those norms. According to descriptive analysis based on legal material regarding this issue, the limitation of freedom to associate can be performed based on Article 4 ICCPR 1966 because it can be considered as a right that its fulfillment can be limited by law. That dissolution by the Constitutional Court is not considered as violation of freedom to associate since the sanction only be imposed to violation of regulations by political parties. The purpose of limitation is only to protect the integrity of Republic of Indonesia and the discipline of the community, nation, and state members.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-120
Author(s):  
Danel Aditia Situngkir

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis yurisdiksi Pengadilan Pidana Internasional dengan Pengadilan HAM Indonesia. Masalah penelitian Bagaimana yurisdiksi dibandingkan dengan pengadilan kriminal internasional dan pengadilan HAM di Indonesia? dan Apa Peluang untuk Pengenaan Yurisdiksi Pengadilan Pidana Internasional di Indonesia? Metode penelitian menggunakan penelitian yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perbandingan yurisdiksi Pengadilan Pidana Internasional dan Pengadilan Hak Asasi Manusia dapat dilihat dari yurisdiksi pidana, pribadi, temporal dan teritorial. Indonesia bukan negara pihak dan bukan negara yang menerima yurisdiksi Mahkamah Pidana Internasional. Meski begitu, Yurisdiksi Mahkamah Pidana Internasional dapat diterapkan di Indonesia mengingat perbedaan yurisdiksi pidana kedua pengadilan tersebut, karena ada 2 (dua) kejahatan yaitu kejahatan perang dan kejahatan agresi yang tidak diatur dalam Pengadilan HAM Indonesia. , jika ada situasi di Indonesia yang dirujuk oleh Dewan PBB dan keamanan Indonesia dianggap tidak mau dan tidak dapat membawa para pelaku kejahatan untuk diadili di pengadilan. This study aims to analyze the protection of labor rights in this case Indonesian migrant workers abroad within the framework of the ASEAN Economic Community and Law no. 18 of 2017 concerning Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers' labor rights within the framework of the ASEAN Economic Community. Research problems, First, What is the Form of Protection for Indonesian Migrant Workers, Second, What is the Form of Legal Efforts for Indonesian Migrant Workers who are disadvantaged? The research method uses socio-legal research by observing the ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights and Law No. 18 of 2017, as well as other Indonesian Laws and Regulations. The results showed that the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers (PMI) is all efforts to protect the interests of prospective PMI and their families in realizing guaranteed fulfillment of rights in all their activities. The author will analyze the issue of the extent to which the state protects labor rights in this case Indonesian migrant workers abroad within the framework of the ASEAN Economic Community and Law No. 18 of 2017 concerning Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers.


Author(s):  
Jennifer N. Fish

This chapter looks at the role of NGOs, global and national unions, and feminist government leaders in the movement to support domestic workers’ global rights. Here, the merger of civil society activism, labor struggles, and government influence reveals how a cross-sectional range of players served in pivotal roles as allies in the determination of policy protections. Relations between domestic workers and the state are analyzed to show the potential for opening up new spaces of worker activism. The discussion of feminist government leaders, or femocrats, reveals how the unexpected alliance of women in positions of power and women in some of the world’s most marginalized positions resulted in a synergy that shook a staid, bureaucratic institution to its core, and enabled its reorientation to more effectively address issues of global human rights.


Author(s):  
Shelley Baranowski

This chapter focuses on two major Weimar political parties, the anti-republican German National People’s Party (DNVP) and Catholic Centre Party, which acknowledged the Weimar Republic’s legitimacy and occupied a crucial position in every national coalition until mid-1932. Ultimately the DNVP’s support crumbled because it could not meet the expectations of its middle-class constituents. Although the Centre’s electorate remained stable by comparison, both parties succumbed ultimately to the determination of conservative elites after 1930 to pursue their interests through the commanding heights of the state and impose an authoritarian system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Randy Pradityo

Penyelesaian perkara pada jalur litigasi yang cenderung lambat ditambah dengan penumpukan perkara, didukung dengan banyaknya celah atau kekurangan pada undang-undang partai politik, khususnya terkait penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai. Banyaknya permasalahan tersebut mengharuskan setiap individu yang terlibat untuk mengambil tindakan progresif dengan melampaui peraturan tersebut. Tindakan progresif yang dimaksud salah satunya melalui jalur non-litigasi yakni mediasi. Mediasi dilaksanakan dengan musyawarah mufakat, dengan melibatkan rakyat didalamnya, atau lebih tepatnya tokoh masyarakat yang dirasa netral. Terlepas hal itu merupakan sengketa internal partai, namun rakyatlah yang memiliki andil di dalam setiap roda kehidupan partai politik di dalam sistem demokrasi. Kemudian ada beberapa cara yang bisa ditempuh dalam rangka penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai politik, selain mediasi tadi, ada tiga sistem penunjang untuk mencegah potensi buruk yang ditimbulkan akibat gejolak internal partai. Pertama, melalui mekanisme internal yang menjamin demokratisasi melalui partisipasi anggota partai politik tersebut dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Kedua, melalui mekanisme transparansi partai melalui rakyat di luar partai yang dapat ikut-serta berpartisipasi dalam penentuan kebijakan yang hendak diperjuangkan melalui dan oleh partai politik. Ketiga, menjamin kebebasan berpikir, berpendapat dan berekspresi, serta kebebasan untuk berkumpul dan berorganisasi secara damai.The settlement of cases in litigation pathways that tend to be slow coupled with the accumulation of cases, supported by the many gaps or shortcomings in the laws of political parties, especially related to the settlement of internal party disputes. The number of these problems requires every individual involved to take progressive action by exceeding these regulations. The progressive actions that are meant by one of them through non-litigation means mediation. Mediation is carried out through consensus deliberations, involving the people in it, or more precisely the community leaders who are perceived as neutral. Apart from that it is an internal party dispute, but it is the people who have a share in every wheel of the life of a political party in a democratic system. Then there are several ways that can be pursued in order to resolve internal political party disputes, in addition to the mediation, there are three support systems to prevent the bad potential arising from internal party turmoil. First, through an internal mechanism that guarantees democratization through the participation of members of the political party in the decision making process. Second, through the mechanism of party transparency through people outside the party who can participate in the determination of policies that are to be fought for through and by political parties. Third, guarantee the freedom of thought, opinion and expression, as well as the freedom to gather and organize peacefully.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-127
Author(s):  
Posma Ramos Sitompul

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis perlindungan hak buruh dalam hal ini Pekerja Migran Indonesia di luar negeri dalam kerangka Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN dan UU No. 18 tahun 2017 tentang Perlindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia hak buruh dalam kerangka masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN. Permasalahan penelitian, Pertama, Bagaimanakah Bentuk Perlindungan Terhadap Pekerja Migran Indonesia, Kedua, Bagaimanakah Bentuk Upaya Hukum Pekerja Migran Indonesia yang dirugikan? Metode penelitian menggunakan penelitian Sosio-Legal dengan mengamati dokumen Deklarasi Hak Asasi Manusia ASEAN dan Undang Undang No. 18 tahun 2017, serta Peraturan Perundang-undangan Indonesia lainnya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Perlindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI) adalah segala upaya untuk melindungi kepentingan calon PMI dan keluarganya dalam mewujudkan terjaminnya pemenuhan hak dalam keseluruhan kegiatannya. Penulis akan menganalisis permasalahan sejauhmana negara melindungi hak buruh dalam hal ini Pekerja Migran Indonesia di luar negeri dalam kerangka Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN dan UU No. 18 tahun 2017 tentang Perlindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia. This study aims to analyze the protection of labor rights in this case Indonesian migrant workers abroad within the framework of the ASEAN Economic Community and Law no. 18 of 2017 concerning Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers' labor rights within the framework of the ASEAN Economic Community. Research problems, First, What is the Form of Protection for Indonesian Migrant Workers, Second, What is the Form of Legal Efforts for Indonesian Migrant Workers who are disadvantaged? The research method uses socio-legal research by observing the ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights and Law No. 18 of 2017, as well as other Indonesian Laws and Regulations. The results showed that the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers (PMI) is all efforts to protect the interests of prospective PMI and their families in realizing guaranteed fulfillment of rights in all their activities. The author will analyze the issue of the extent to which the state protects labor rights in this case Indonesian migrant workers abroad within the framework of the ASEAN Economic Community and Law No. 18 of 2017 concerning Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers.


Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Adhi Putra Satria

This study aims to provide knowledge about how to resolve village head election disputes in Indonesia after the issuance of Law No. 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. This research is qualitative research with a normative juridical approach. This research will focus on the discussion of how to resolve election disputes for Village Heads in Indonesia after the issuance of Law No. 6 of 2014, and how problems arise due to the settlement of disputes over the results of the Village Head election after the issuance of Law No. 6 of 2014. The results show that Law No. 6/2014 has mandated that the settlement of Village Head election disputes that are settled by the Regent / Mayor is no later than 30 days after the determination of the Village Head candidate elected by the Village Head election committee, however in its implementation there are still problems, these problems can be seen from not regulating changes and settling disputes over the results of the Village Head election. In addition, the problem with the authority given to the Regent / Mayor to resolve disputes over the results of the Village Head election is when the Regent / Mayor is a state institution that has the power of the state in the executive, not the judiciary, the Regent / Mayor is also a product of political parties, so that the authority is given It is feared that the authority to implement disputes over the results of the Village Head election will not be objective. The conclusion of this research is to form a special judicial institution for disputes over the results of village head elections.Keywords: Labor Social Security, Parking Attendants, Department of Transportation


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