Securitisation of Migration in the Language of Slovak Far-Right Populism

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Radoslav Stefancik ◽  
Ildikó Némethová ◽  
Terézia Seresová

Although the Slovak Republic is not a country of immigrants, since 2015 the topic of international migration has dominated its political discourse. Due to the migration situation in 2015, Slovak politicians have also begun to use the topic of migration to mobilise their voters. Paradoxically, there are no significant differences among the relevant Slovak political parties on this topic, hence Slovak politicians take a similar approach to the issue of migration. This article focuses on the People's Party Our Slovakia as a leading representative of far-right populism. We intend to explore how Slovak far-right populists articulate the issue of international migration. Our analysis has found that the language of far-right populists reflects a dichotomy of “we/us” (good) vs. “they/them” (evil). Far-right populists emphasise the negative consequences of migration, as they perceive migrants as a threat to national security. In-depth analyses of political texts have revealed that the securitisation of migration by far-right populists has several dimensions. Migrants are perceived as a threat to the economic, political and cultural security of the state.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Yorkinoy Sadikova ◽  
◽  
Dilangiz Nosirova

The article analyzes the history of the fight against corruption. The views of scientists are also examined. In this article, the scourge of corruption has the following negative consequences for thestate, namely: serious damage to the state's reputation in the international arena; causing citizens to lose confidence in leaders, government, political parties and the rule of law; dismantles market mechanisms, that is, the market belongs not to competitive entrepreneurs, but to entrepreneurs who receive benefits in exchange for bribes; creates favorable conditions for the existence of organizedcrime, which in turn threatens the national security of the state; it was also pointed out that social tension in society can lead to conflicts, political instability and the activation of terrorist structures


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 211-215
Author(s):  
L. Kubai ◽  
G. Khamidullina ◽  
T. Nakonechnaya

Corruption has become one of the main threats to the national security of Russia, a leading factor in the stagnation of the economy, the preservation and development of pronounced social inequality, contrary to the efforts of the state. The article provides an analytical review of anti-corruption strategies developed in companies facing the threat of corruption based on periodicals (scientific journals) for 2015–2018. The article discusses the main types of anti-corruption strategies implemented by modern companies, identifies both positive and negative consequences of their implementation.


Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova

Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (9) ◽  
pp. 15-20
Author(s):  
L. V. AGARKOVA ◽  
◽  
V. V. AGARKOV ◽  
M. G. RUSETSKY ◽  
◽  
...  

In the context of the globalization of the world economy, the issue of ensuring the financial security of the state is a condition of its national security and acquires special significance. The article examines the indicators of financial security, establishes a system of precursors - indicators of the financial security of the state, allowing to predict the onset of negative consequences. the main indicators of the financial security of the Russian Federation were assessed.


Author(s):  
Shelley Baranowski

This chapter focuses on two major Weimar political parties, the anti-republican German National People’s Party (DNVP) and Catholic Centre Party, which acknowledged the Weimar Republic’s legitimacy and occupied a crucial position in every national coalition until mid-1932. Ultimately the DNVP’s support crumbled because it could not meet the expectations of its middle-class constituents. Although the Centre’s electorate remained stable by comparison, both parties succumbed ultimately to the determination of conservative elites after 1930 to pursue their interests through the commanding heights of the state and impose an authoritarian system.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Kendzior

This article uses the example of Uzbekistan's national security services to consider how the psychic influence of a police state reveals itself online. What happens when the 'spectral double' of the police becomes a point of focus in a medium known for its transparency? I argue that although the Internet gives citizens the capability to organize and interact, it does not relieve their fears and suspicions; instead, it often intensifies them. Despite the 'transparency' that the Internet affords—and sometimes because of it—there are qualities bound up in the architecture of this medium that give rise to paranoia. Using examples from Uzbek online political discourse, I show how the Internet has fueled suspicion and fears about the state security services despite attempts to demystify and assuage them.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-48
Author(s):  
Viera Žúborová ◽  
Ingrid Borarosová

Abstract The recent parliamentary elections which took place in The Slovak Republic in March 2016 opened for many national and international commentators the bottled of demons from the past history of Slovakia. For the first time a Far right extremist political party entered into parliament and held seats there. They gained more than some standard political parties and also were not dubbed as the “black” horse of this election. As they were not measured by public opinion. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the fundamental purpose of voters that had elected this political party and on the other hand the main reason that has opened the parliamentary door to such a political entity that was not visible in the previous electoral periods or played any important role in the independence of Slovak republic. Our main assumption will be that which is taken from the media analysis before the parliamentary election and public opinion research. Our main variable from the external environment will be the migration refugee crisis and the rhetoric of political parties acting at national level. We can assume that this was one of the main reason for the entry of this political party within others which were “hidden” or covered by this crisis and were not mediatized in the media.


Subject Elections and security. Significance The interior minister has ordered security personnel to assure “equal security to all political parties” contesting the June 4 commune council elections. Yet this follows remarks by other officials that “war” will occur if the governing Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) loses these or the 2018 general election, and promising a crackdown if the opposition does not respect either election’s result and undertakes violent street protests. Cambodia’s security forces will be central to election security, to any crackdown and to the post-election period. However, concerns have been raised about their relationship with the state. Impacts Using the security forces to perpetuate CPP rule could undermine Cambodia’s democratisation. However, renewed CPP government would assure internal security, aiding economic growth and investment. If the CNRP wins in 2018, the CPP would likely demand a power-sharing agreement rather than leave office.


2020 ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
Sabina Lawreniuk ◽  
Laurie Parsons

Chapter 7 explores how translocal livelihoods have contributed to a rise in nationalistic discourse, national communitarian ideology and the ethnically mediated ‘othering’ of certain groups. The chapter begins by exploring the linkages between the domestic garment industry, the union movement and political opposition to the incumbent Cambodia People’s Party, before extending the analysis to explore these themes in relation to Cambodia’s two major international migration systems: those with Thailand and Vietnam. The first of these examines issues of national identity amongst translocal migrants to Thailand in order to interpret the impact of international household and community economies on political conceptions of the state. The second examines the perspectives of translocal migrants between Cambodia and Vietnam, in the context of Cambodia’s recent upsurge in anti-Vietnamese popular sentiment and political discourse. Chapter 7 concludes by drawing together the lessons of these case studies to consider both how mass translocal livelihoods have shaped national discourse and how national narratives of nationhood have contributed to structuring Cambodia’s international diaspora.


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