Rwanda

Author(s):  
Doris Buss ◽  
Jerusa Ali

Since the end of the genocide and civil war in Rwanda, various measures have been implemented to facilitate women’s political participation. This chapter looks to post-conflict Rwanda as a case study in the successes and limitations in efforts to increase women’s participation in public life. The chapter details the desired outcomes of increased political participation by women before turning to the Rwandan example. It argues that while the increased presence of women in public life has resulted in some positive economic, political, and social outcomes, the power of female politicians is largely limited and has not resulted in sustainable or equitable long-term policies. The chapter concludes that while Rwanda has formally adopted many of the international best practices of transitional justice, its overall gains in women’s participation are more uneven, contradictory, and nonlinear than is often recognized.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent Gilliard

Public space is important to a city’s economic and social quality. Downtown Toronto is not known for its public spaces but Melbourne is widely recognized for recently revitalizing its city centre with improved public spaces. A case study of Melbourne investigates its comparability to Toronto as well as the details of its "renaissance." It is concluded that Melbourne is, in fact, highly comparable to Toronto. Interventions in Melbourne were characterized by the principles: long-term vision, emphasizing local strengths, investment in quality, making space for people on foot, and using effective arguments and evidence. To emulate Melbourne’s city-centre revitalization, Toronto first should facilitate a civic conversation about the long-term vision for its downtown; second, it should initiate a public life survey of the downtown; third, it should invest is the physical quality of downtown public spaces; and fourth, it should begin an incremental program to reclaim roadway space from cars in locations of high pedestrian use.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphaëlle Ortiz ◽  
Anamaría Núñez ◽  
Corinne Cathala ◽  
Ana R. Rios ◽  
Mauro Nalesso

This technical note is an update to the previous "Water in the Time of Drought: Lessons from Five Droughts Around the World", published in 2018. It explores drought situations and policies in Spain (including the Canary Islands), Chile, Mexico, the dry corridor between Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, Brazil, and South Africa. Each of these countries has recently dealt with droughts and/or developed long-term solutions to manage them. HydroBID, a tool developed by the IDB, will be presented through relevant case studies. After defining drought experiences and institutional frameworks in each country, the brief will explore the successes and challenges of national drought and water management policies. Best practices and lessons learned will be extracted from each case study to help policymakers better prepare for droughts.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selinaswati Selinaswati

Studies of women in politics have mostly been done within patriarchal socialstructures around the world. These studies show that women have many potentialopportunities to become involved in public life; as voters in elections, like politicalcandidates, and if successful as members of the administrative class or asMembers of Parliament (MPs). However, female politicians may be affected byseveral factors within the social, economic, political and cultural systems. Thisthesis examined whether the matrilineal social structure of the province of WestSumatra, Indonesia, influences women’s political participation in localparliaments. West Sumatra is dominated by the Minangkabau ethnic group,which has a matrilineal tradition that provides more opportunities for women interms of property ownership and non-household activities. It was assumed thatwomen who were involved in local politics would be affected by these culturalvalues.This research was a case study. Three categories of informants, femalepoliticians, community leaders, and voters, were interviewed to identify thestrategies and experiences of female politicians and the diversity of opinionregarding female politicians in this matrilineal society. Data was obtainedthrough fieldwork carried out from July to October 2012 in West Sumatra.During this period, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were carried out inlocations where female politicians had been elected to the local parliament.Additional information was obtained from 17 voting members of the publicthrough the use of a questionnaire. Secondary data were obtained fromgovernment documents and local parliaments, online resources, institutions, andorganizations.The study found that the matrilineal system in West Sumatra inspired femalepoliticians in their efforts to gain a seat in parliament. However, they alsoexperienced disadvantages in the matrilineal and Indonesian political system. Itwas found that the opinions of community leaders toward female politicianswere largely neutral and saw female politicians as compared to male ones. Thevoting public tends to have less knowledge about female politicians and viewedthem as not significantly better than male politicians. The study concludes thatthe matrilineal structure of West Sumatran society does not have much impacton women’s political participation and female politicians can benefit byimproving their capabilities in order to win a seat in parliament. Additionally,the Indonesian government might play a role in bridging the gap between lowand high-level political participation by women and develop ways to includeaspects of local culture such as the matrilineal system into its policies that relateto political autonomy at the regional level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-112
Author(s):  
Agata Włodkowska

The article is part of the discussion on women’s political participation, their involvement in social movements and protests which are concentrated on the power shift and democratisation of the political system. The text focuses on the case study of Belarusian women’s participation in anti-regime and pro-democracy protests following the rigged presidential election of 9 August 2020.The aim of the article is to answer questions about the reasons for women’s involvement in the 2020 protests in Belarus and the methods of action used by them. The article also analyses the differences and similarities between the women’s protests in Belarus and pro-democracy protests oriented towards power change in other countries.


Author(s):  
Merryl Lawry-White

This chapter considers the interaction of some of the applicable norms related to liability and reparation for environmental damage in a post-conflict setting, including human rights and humanitarian law norms (including precedents) and their interaction with each other, with a focus on the potential consequences for victims. Using displacement as a specific case study, the discussion regarding potential consequences is supported by the learning that may be drawn from precedent reparations schemes, including those implemented in a ‘transitional justice’ framework as part of an attempt to afford ‘justice’ for breaches of human rights and humanitarian law (whether related to the environment or otherwise). The chapter considers some of the potential challenges of this interaction, particularly for justice initiatives, and particularly reparations schemes, experienced in the aftermath of conflict, such as constructing a coherent post-conflict narrative, restitution (or ‘truth’), awarding reparation (including ‘restitution’), and reconciliation as part of ‘peacebuilding’.


Author(s):  
Anja Mihr ◽  
Chandra Sriram Lekha

States are expected to provide both security and justice for their citizens; one needs the other in order to work well. Yet when both are damaged or destroyed by war, state actors and outsiders alike tend to treat them as competing post-conflict priorities. Over the past twenty years, numerous processes have emerged to promote one or both, including “transitional justice”—from courts and truth commissions to community reconciliation—and programs to restore rule of law, reform the “security sector” (SSR) and disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate fighters into society (DDR). The many actors involved have just as many, sometimes competing, operational priorities, knowing that change is urgent, but necessarily long-term. This chapter examines the interaction of transitional justice, rule of law, SSR, and DDR, identifying key concepts, actors, processes, and challenges in pursuing change in each of these areas simultaneously.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Regina Akosua Dede Baiden

With increased attention to the needs of women in conflict and post-conflict situations, a multitude of resolutions on Women, Peace and Security have been adopted at the international level. Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 2122 all reflect an increased recognition of the need to engage, monitor, and increase women’s participation in post-conflict recovery process. Although scholars on reparations have focused on the benefits that a gendered perspective brings to reparations programmes, scare research exists on the experiences of women years after the acquisition of reparation. This article investigates the lived experiences of female beneficiaries of Ghana’s reparations programme 8 years after completion of the programme. It highlights the violence experienced by four female beneficiaries of the programme, showing the long-term impacts of violence on their lives. The article reveals the reparations programme’s inability to adequately address the effect of violence on the lives of female beneficiaries.


Hawwa ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-186
Author(s):  
Maimuna Mohamud

The aftermath of violent conflict provides opportunities for fresh debates about gender politics. In sub-Saharan Africa, several post-conflict states have introduced constitutional reforms and quotas to promote women’s participation in government. Yet, women’s political representation in Somalia is a matter that goes beyond the hotly-debated gender quotas which are often championed by international donors and other peacebuilding actors. In post-war Somalia, women believe that the question of political representation is closely linked to the recognition of women’s ongoing contributions to society. For many women, the contemporary post-war Islamic discourses in Somalia have eroded some rights previously guaranteed—if imperfectly—by the pre-war state. Such discourses today have also constructed a new ideal version of Somali women in an Islamic society which largely dispossesses them from public life. In this article, I highlight Somali women’s forms of activism which are centered on engaging Islamic discourses in an attempt to change current perceptions about women’s roles in politics and public life. I examine women’s narratives for insights into the root causes of women’s exclusion and the strategies used to resist, counter, and challenge oppositional Islamic discourses. I conclude by considering how women’s ‘unorganized’ movements across Somalia—premised on working within a framework of Islam, are suggestive of multifaceted expressions of women’s agency in patriarchal and non-liberal contexts.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent Gilliard

Public space is important to a city’s economic and social quality. Downtown Toronto is not known for its public spaces but Melbourne is widely recognized for recently revitalizing its city centre with improved public spaces. A case study of Melbourne investigates its comparability to Toronto as well as the details of its "renaissance." It is concluded that Melbourne is, in fact, highly comparable to Toronto. Interventions in Melbourne were characterized by the principles: long-term vision, emphasizing local strengths, investment in quality, making space for people on foot, and using effective arguments and evidence. To emulate Melbourne’s city-centre revitalization, Toronto first should facilitate a civic conversation about the long-term vision for its downtown; second, it should initiate a public life survey of the downtown; third, it should invest is the physical quality of downtown public spaces; and fourth, it should begin an incremental program to reclaim roadway space from cars in locations of high pedestrian use.


Author(s):  
Sam Underwood

<p>Investment in educational initiatives as transitional or transformative mechanisms in societies trying to build peace is often limited by several assumptions. First, it is often held as that education is largely a tool of prevention, and that the impact of the initiatives cannot be measured. Second, children are considered only as the «future generation» who will «inherit» the society, reducing their value to their future potential and undermining their agency in the present. Third, since introducing sensitive issues into the formal education system is politically difficult and risks reopening old wounds, it is held that educational initiatives are dependent on, and thus secondary to, a sustained reconciliation or peacebuilding process. As a result of these assumptions, education is often shelved as a long-term, developmental issue in post-conflict societies, and does not benefit from the resources brought by the «peace dividend.» This article seeks to deconstruct these assumptions, and argue that educational initiatives in fact have an observable, measurable, transformative impact on individuals, groups and societies. If this impact is supported and sustained by economic and political investment, education can play a central role in peacebuilding and transformative initiatives.</p><p><strong>Received</strong>: 01 August 2015<br /><strong>Accepted</strong>: 15 October 2015<br /><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>


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