The Political Development of the Regulatory State

Author(s):  
Richard Harris

This chapter advances the argument that regulation in the United States developed through a pattern of actions and reactions set in motion by business corporations and financiers of the Gilded Age attempting to control markets through cooperative institutional arrangements such asstock poolingandtrusts, justified by new ideas based on work of Charles Darwin and Frederick Taylor. These efforts at “private regulation” evoked demands from first populists and then progressives for government intervention to counter not only the economic impacts these new ideas and institutions but also the concentrations of business power that created and defended them. These demands for “public regulation” led to America’s first national regulatory laws and agencies. The evolution of the regulatory state in America reflects a succession of alternating private and public regulatory regimes, each characterized by a distinct set of regulatory ideas justifying its defining regulatory institutions and polices.

Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United States. It argues that the formation of a broad coalition of women, symbolized by growing membership in a large non-partisan suffrage organization, in combination with competitive conditions in state legislatures, was crucial to securing politicians' support for women's suffrage in the states. The chapter first gives a broad overview of the phases of the US suffrage movement, arguing that the salience of political cleavages related to race, ethnicity, nativity, and class influenced the type of movement suffragists sought to build. It then describes the political geography of the Gilded Age, showing how the diversity of political competition and party organization that characterized the several regions mirrors the pattern of women's enfranchisement across the states.


Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani

This chapter looks at the role of oil in the political economy and the international relations of the Middle East. Oil is commonly considered a political commodity. Because of its pivotal importance as a primary source of energy, governments are concerned with its continued availability and seek to minimize import dependence. Historically, interest in oil — especially in the United Kingdom and the United States — strongly influenced attitudes towards the Middle East and the formation of the state system in the region, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Oil also affects the power balance within the region. The polarization in the region between oil-rich and oil-poor states is thus an essential tool of analysis. The parallel distinction between rentier and non-rentier states helps to explain how oil affects the domestic political development of the oil-rich states and influences their regional relations.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Diamond

It has been a common teaching among modern historians of the guiding ideas in the foundation of our government that the Constitution of the United States embodied a reaction against the democratic principles espoused in the Declaration of Independence. This view has largely been accepted by political scientists and has therefore had important consequences for the way American political development has been studied. I shall present here a contrary view of the political theory of the Framers and examine some of its consequences.What is the relevance of the political thought of the Founding Fathers to an understanding of contemporary problems of liberty and justice? Four possible ways of looking at the Founding Fathers immediately suggest themselves. First, it may be that they possessed wisdom, a set of political principles still inherently adequate, and needing only to be supplemented by skill in their proper contemporary application. Second, it may be that, while the Founding Fathers' principles are still sound, they are applicable only to a part of our problems, but not to that part which is peculiarly modern; and thus new principles are needed to be joined together with the old ones. Third, it may be that the Founding Fathers have simply become; they dealt with bygone problems and their principles were relevant only to those old problems. Fourth, they may have been wrong or radically inadequate even for their own time.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 309-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Lavariega Monforti ◽  
Adam McGlynn

AbstractThe breadth of material covered in introductory U.S. government and politics survey courses creates a situation in which the textbooks used may serve as the primary source of information students receive about the country's political system. At the same time, their content represents a conscious choice by the authors, editors, and publishers of these textbooks regarding what topics and content are necessary and worthy of publication, which socializes students to accept particular viewpoints of the formation and operation of the U.S. government. Oftentimes, the information presented in textbooks across subdisciplines ignores the political experiences and influence of racial, ethnic, and other minority groups. We test this premise by engaging in a study of 29 introductory U.S. government and politics textbooks to assess the level of coverage and treatment of Latinos/as, the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the country. We find that the discussion of Latinos in these textbooks is incredibly brief and often limited to the civil rights chapters. Furthermore, Latinos are primarily mentioned in the discussion of immigration, while their overall contributions to the political development of the United States are largely ignored.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 1181-1183

Tomas Nonnenmacher of the Department of Economics at Allegheny College reviews “The People's Network: The Political Economy of the Telephone in the Gilded Age”, by Robert MacDougall. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Explores the commercial, political, and cultural war over the telephone industry and medium in the United States and Canada, and considers how these struggles built the communication infrastructure we have today. Discusses whether all telephones are local; visions of telephony; unnatural monopoly; the independent alternative; the politics of scale; and the system gospel. MacDougall is Associate Professor of History and Associate Director of the Centre for American Studies at Western University, London, Ontario.”


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-223
Author(s):  
David M. Hart

This article traces the political development of the Control Data Corporation (CDC) and its founder and chief executive officer, William C. Norris, from the firm’s formation in 1957 until his departure from its leadership in 1986. Norris was entrepreneurial in his political strategy, taking large risks to pursue what he perceived to be large opportunities in such areas as antitrust, trade policy, and poverty alleviation. Indeed, his perceptions of these opportunities often diverged substantially from those of others in the computer industry and the broader corporate and policy communities. The article links these differences to Norris’s personal circumstances, the business situation of CDC, and the broader political currents of the times. The experiences of Norris and CDC suggest that business historians need a more expansive and flexible conception of the political attitudes and behavior of business leaders and of the business-government relationship in the United States.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luqman Raheem ◽  
Nasir Durid

The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 223-256
Author(s):  
Michael Walton

According to Forbes, India has experienced a striking growth in billionaire wealth since 1991. It has also experienced high-profile corruption scams between politicians and business. This chapter develops an interpretative comparison between contemporary India and the Gilded Age in the United States of America. It argues that there are important parallels with the Gilded Age, around private wealth creation on the back of corporate expansion, extensive links between business and political interests, and widespread sharing of economic rents as part of the political equilibrium; this nevertheless coexists with significant building of industrial capabilities. It then explores a contrast with the US Progressive Era. The comparison suggests the medium-term prospect is for a continuance of a mix of connected capitalism and populist social strategies, including in the wake of Narendra Modi’s election. This can be interpreted as a new version of Pranab Bardhan’s collective action problem.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-231
Author(s):  
James L. Huston

I wish to thank the editors of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era for giving me a chance to react to Richard Schneirov's engaging article on periodizing the Gilded Age. I tend to agree with his generalizations and approach to the subject, having only some small qualifications to offer, largely concerning the quest for periodization, the timing of the break from one type of society to another, and the role of the Civil War. It seems that modern historians have revised somewhat the comment of George III to Edward Gibbons, “Scribble, scribble, scribble, eh, Mr. Gibbons?” Now it has become, “Quibble, quibble, quibble, eh, Mr. Historian?” Well, such seems to be our fate. However, on one interpretation there is no quibbling at all: somewhere in the years called the Gilded Age came the mightiest transition that the society of the United States has ever experienced. The quote in the title of this short piece attests to the realization that such was the case: it is from the Brahmin historian, James Ford Rhodes writing about the Great Railroad Strike of 1877: “For we had hugged the delusion that such social uprisings belonged to Europe and had no reason of being in a free republic where there was plenty of room and an equal chance for all.” The political economy inherited from the Revolution had failed, and it was beginning to be recognized that a new political economy was emerging.


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Bruyneel

On June 2, 1924, President Calvin Coolidge signed into law the Indian Citizenship Act (ICA), which unilaterally made United States citizens of all indigenous people living in the United States. This new law made citizens of approximately 125,000 of the 300,000 indigenous people in the country (the remainder were already U.S. citizens). Usually, people who have been excluded from American political life see the codi- fication of their citizenship status as an unambiguously positive political development. In the case of indigenous people and U.S. citizenship, however, one cannot find such clear and certain statements. All indigenous people certainly did not look at U.S. citizenship in the same light; in fact, very few saw it as unambiguously positive. This study demonstrates that the indigenous people who engaged the debate over U.S. citizenship came to define themselves, in various ways, as “ambivalent Americans,” neither fully inside nor fully outside the political, legal, and cultural boundaries of the United States. This effort to define a form of ambivalent American-ness reflects a significant tradition in indigenous politics, which involves indigenous political actors working back and forth across the boundaries of American political life to secure rights, resources, and/or sovereignty for the indigenous people they represent.


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