scholarly journals Aquí Estamos? A Survey of Latino Portrayal in Introductory U.S. Government and Politics Textbooks

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 309-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Lavariega Monforti ◽  
Adam McGlynn

AbstractThe breadth of material covered in introductory U.S. government and politics survey courses creates a situation in which the textbooks used may serve as the primary source of information students receive about the country's political system. At the same time, their content represents a conscious choice by the authors, editors, and publishers of these textbooks regarding what topics and content are necessary and worthy of publication, which socializes students to accept particular viewpoints of the formation and operation of the U.S. government. Oftentimes, the information presented in textbooks across subdisciplines ignores the political experiences and influence of racial, ethnic, and other minority groups. We test this premise by engaging in a study of 29 introductory U.S. government and politics textbooks to assess the level of coverage and treatment of Latinos/as, the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the country. We find that the discussion of Latinos in these textbooks is incredibly brief and often limited to the civil rights chapters. Furthermore, Latinos are primarily mentioned in the discussion of immigration, while their overall contributions to the political development of the United States are largely ignored.

Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani

This chapter looks at the role of oil in the political economy and the international relations of the Middle East. Oil is commonly considered a political commodity. Because of its pivotal importance as a primary source of energy, governments are concerned with its continued availability and seek to minimize import dependence. Historically, interest in oil — especially in the United Kingdom and the United States — strongly influenced attitudes towards the Middle East and the formation of the state system in the region, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Oil also affects the power balance within the region. The polarization in the region between oil-rich and oil-poor states is thus an essential tool of analysis. The parallel distinction between rentier and non-rentier states helps to explain how oil affects the domestic political development of the oil-rich states and influences their regional relations.


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow

Between 2020 and 2021, one hundred and ten bills in state legislatures across the United States suggested banning the participation of transgender athletes on sports teams for girls and women. As of July 2021, ten such bills have become state law. This paper tracks the political shift towards targeting transgender athletes. Conservative political interests now seek laws that suture biological determinist arguments to civil rights of bodies. Although narrow binary definitions of sex have long operated in the background as a means for policy implementation under Title IX, Republican lawmakers now aim to reframe sex non-discrimination policies as means of gendered exclusion. The content of proposals reveal the centrality of ideas about bodily immutability, and body politics more generally, in shaping the future of American gender politics. My analysis of bills from 2021 argues that legislative proposals advance a logic of “cisgender supremacy” inhering in political claims about normatively gendered bodies. Political institutions are another site for advancing, enshrining, and normalizing cis-supremacist gender orders, explicitly joining cause with medical authorities as arbiters of gender normativity. Characteristics of bodies and their alleged role in evidencing sex itself have fueled the tactics of anti-transgender activists on the political Right. However, the target of their aims is not mere policy change but a state-sanctioned return to a narrowly cis- and heteropatriarchal gender order.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Brown ◽  
Reginald Tucker-Seeley

<p>The recent trend of premature death among Whites in the United States has garnered attention in both the popular and academic literature. This attention has focused on the plight of low socioeconomic status Whites in non-urban areas. The population health lit­erature in general and the health disparities literature more specifically has struggled to describe differences in health when White groups present worse health outcomes or worsening trends compared with racial/ ethnic minority groups. There remain many open questions as population health/health disparities research attempts to explain the increasing mortality rates for low socioeco­nomic status Whites in non-urban areas in relationship to other racial/ethnic groups. As the conversation in the academic and popular literature continues to unfold, a key question for population health research and practice is how will the ‘deaths of despair’ phenomenon among Whites influence our measuring of, and reporting and interven­ing on, race/ethnic health disparities? <em></em></p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2018;28(2):123-128; doi:10.18865/ ed.28.2.123.</p>


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 706-710

OVERVIEW Minority women physicians may be defined as those of nonwhite racial and ethnic identification. There is a paucity of data available on these women. Until the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the impact of affirmative action programs, reliable statistics regarding minorities were scarce. Subsequently, a data base identifying racial/ethnic origin as well as sex of medical students and physicians has been evolving. Many sources are currently unable to provide such information because most applications are without racial identification. Neither the American Board of Pediatrics (ABP) nor the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) maintain data regarding racial/ethnic origin of members. In the 1970s there was a rapid increase in admissions of both women and minorities in US medical schools. First-year enrollment in 1980-1981 included 14.1% minority men and women (Table 1). The number of minority women entering medical school increased from 266 (2.2%) in 1971-1972 to 1,066 (6.2%) in 1981-1982 (Table 2). In departments of pediatrics in US medical schools in 1982, minority women represented 17% of all faculty members. Of 201 minority women, there were 127 Asian, 37 black, 24 Puerto Rican, three Mexican-American, nine other Hispanic, and one American Indian. The most significant increase in representation has occurred in the Asian ethnic group. Minority populations have poorer health status and are at higher risk with respect to accessibility, availability, and utilization of health services. The recruitment and training of minority physicians is important in providing culturally sensitive health care acceptable to bilingual and bicultural minorities. Most minority groups have career development problems that may be related to their ethnic and cultural background.


Author(s):  
Richard Harris

This chapter advances the argument that regulation in the United States developed through a pattern of actions and reactions set in motion by business corporations and financiers of the Gilded Age attempting to control markets through cooperative institutional arrangements such asstock poolingandtrusts, justified by new ideas based on work of Charles Darwin and Frederick Taylor. These efforts at “private regulation” evoked demands from first populists and then progressives for government intervention to counter not only the economic impacts these new ideas and institutions but also the concentrations of business power that created and defended them. These demands for “public regulation” led to America’s first national regulatory laws and agencies. The evolution of the regulatory state in America reflects a succession of alternating private and public regulatory regimes, each characterized by a distinct set of regulatory ideas justifying its defining regulatory institutions and polices.


Transfusion ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (7) ◽  
pp. 1644-1655 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark H. Yazer ◽  
Ralph Vassallo ◽  
Meghan Delaney ◽  
Marc Germain ◽  
Matthew S. Karafin ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Christina Campbell ◽  
William Miller

Juvenile risk assessment instruments have provided juvenile courts with the opportunity to make standardized decisions concerning sentences and intervention needs. Risk assessments have replaced the reliance on professional decision-making practices in which court officials relied on their hunches or previous experience to determine what to do with youth once they became involved in corrections. A primary goal of juvenile risk assessment is to improve case management and help courts focus resources on juveniles who exhibit the greatest intervention needs. Further, juvenile risk assessments play a critical role in estimating which juveniles will likely reoffend by identifying factors that increase the propensity of future offending. Although some researchers believe that the implementation of standardized juvenile risk assessments is a good strategy for reducing biased decision-making for racial/ethnic minorities, other researchers have called into question the extent to which risk assessments overestimate risk for certain juveniles, especially those in minority groups who have a history of being marginalized due to their race, culture, or ethnicity. This article provides an overview of how well juvenile risk assessment instruments predict future delinquency across race and ethnicity. The review suggests that in general, risk assessments do a good job in predicting recidivism across racial/ethnic groups for diverse populations inside and outside the United States. However, there is still some room for improvement concerning the assessment of risk and needs for ethnic minorities. In addition, while there are some studies that do not report the predictive validity of risk assessment scores across race/ethnicity, risk assessments overall seem to be a promising effort to correctly classify and/or identify juveniles who are at greatest risk for future recidivism.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Diamond

It has been a common teaching among modern historians of the guiding ideas in the foundation of our government that the Constitution of the United States embodied a reaction against the democratic principles espoused in the Declaration of Independence. This view has largely been accepted by political scientists and has therefore had important consequences for the way American political development has been studied. I shall present here a contrary view of the political theory of the Framers and examine some of its consequences.What is the relevance of the political thought of the Founding Fathers to an understanding of contemporary problems of liberty and justice? Four possible ways of looking at the Founding Fathers immediately suggest themselves. First, it may be that they possessed wisdom, a set of political principles still inherently adequate, and needing only to be supplemented by skill in their proper contemporary application. Second, it may be that, while the Founding Fathers' principles are still sound, they are applicable only to a part of our problems, but not to that part which is peculiarly modern; and thus new principles are needed to be joined together with the old ones. Third, it may be that the Founding Fathers have simply become; they dealt with bygone problems and their principles were relevant only to those old problems. Fourth, they may have been wrong or radically inadequate even for their own time.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (36) ◽  
pp. e2105125118
Author(s):  
Yao Lu ◽  
Neeraj Kaushal ◽  
Xiaoning Huang ◽  
S. Michael Gaddis

Mounting reports in the media suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified prejudice and discrimination against racial/ethnic minorities, especially Asians. Existing research has focused on discrimination against Asians and is primarily based on self-reported incidents or nonrepresentative samples. We investigate the extent to which COVID-19 has fueled prejudice and discrimination against multiple racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States by examining nationally representative survey data with an embedded vignette experiment about roommate selection (collected in August 2020; n = 5,000). We find that priming COVID-19 salience has an immediate, statistically significant impact: compared to the control group, respondents in the treatment group exhibited increased prejudice and discriminatory intent against East Asian, South Asian, and Hispanic hypothetical room-seekers. The treatment effect is more pronounced in increasing extreme negative attitudes toward the three minority groups than decreasing extreme positive attitudes toward them. This is partly due to the treatment increasing the proportion of respondents who perceive these minority groups as extremely culturally incompatible (Asians and Hispanics) and extremely irresponsible (Asians). Sociopolitical factors did not moderate the treatment effects on attitudes toward Asians, but prior social contact with Hispanics mitigated prejudices against them. These findings suggest that COVID-19–fueled prejudice and discrimination have not been limited to East Asians but are part of a broader phenomenon that has affected Asians generally and Hispanics as well.


Author(s):  
Maureen Ly

The Occupation of Alcatraz was a movement in 1969, which sparked National Debate in the United States. The Occupation lasted from 20, November 1969 till June 1971 when 15 last occupiers were peacefully escorted off the island. The protest did not end with a change in government policy but inspired other protests and an activist group to be created for Native American rights. Reflecting on why the occupation at Alcatraz was ineffective, Vine Deloria, Jr. argued in 1994, “we want change, but we do not know what change.” Deloria was a well-known activist during the 1960s and was invited to the island of Alcatraz during its occupation. The Occupation of Alcatraz was seen as an unsuccessful protest because it did not spur government action to address Native American grievances. The occupation occurred at a time when tensions between minority groups and the government were rising due to the civil rights movement. Native Americans were forcibly removed from reserves due to relocation and assimilation programs, and land was being taken away for resources as well. The Occupation was a response to what seemed to be the continuous cycle of abuse from the American government. Termination and assimilation policies divided and separated families and tribes, which created disconnections among Native Americans, making it hard to unify against the American government. Though the Occupation did not end with government action or policy change, it started a collaboration of Native American protests, which revived Native American identities for many people. Native Americans’ reactions to federal suppression at the Occupation of Alcatraz led to a legacy of protests that changed Native American life.


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