Political Development

Author(s):  
Robert H. Bates

This article traces the trajectory of scholarship in the field of political development, beginning with the rise of what became known as “modernization theory” in the 1960s, which saw political development gain recognition as a subfield of political science. The article cites the works of prominent scholars within the modernization school and associates the birth of the subfield with historical developments spanning World War II and the war in Vietnam. It also discusses the transition from modernization theory to neoclassical political economy, made possible by the emergence of the newly industrialized countries and the fall of the Soviet Union. Finally, it considers the rise of democracy following the demise of communism, along with the study of political geography and the study of the historical determinants of contemporary politics.

2021 ◽  

Assessments of Dwight D. Eisenhower’s performance as the Supreme Allied Commander during World War II and the nation’s thirty-fourth president have evolved across the more than seventy-five years from the conclusion of World War II in 1945 to the dedication in 2020 of the Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial in Washington, DC. Historians have sought to explain Eisenhower’s unlikely rise from his modest upbringing in Abilene, Kansas, to his ascendance to command of western allies in the European theater. Selected over several senior officers in 1942 to command the invasion of North Africa (Operation Torch), Eisenhower initially experienced a series of setbacks and controversies resulting from inexperienced troops, incompetent subordinate leaders, a formidable enemy, and political deals with leaders of Vichy France. Although historians continue to debate his decisions regarding command and strategy in the European theater, they generally praise Eisenhower’s ability to maintain the western alliance amid national rivalries, professional jealousies, strong personalities, and competing political ambitions. Assessments of Eisenhower’s performance as president have undergone a remarkable transformation. Initially ranked in 1961 near the bottom in assessments of presidential leadership, he currently appears within the top tier. Initial accounts in the 1960s portrayed Eisenhower as a bumbling, docile president who appeared to be out of touch with the basic policies and operations of his administration. He appeared unwilling to address the major issues confronting American society, and to defer to his Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, on matters of foreign policy and national security. For his critics, Eisenhower perilously, inflexibly, and imprudently relied upon the superiority of the nation’s nuclear arsenal to contain communist expansion, then allowed the Soviet Union to beat the United States into space and create a missile gap. Scholars collectively labeled “Eisenhower Revisionists” assessing declassified documents beginning in the mid-1970s forged a revised consensus that Eisenhower was clearly thoughtful, informed, and firmly in command of his administration. Moreover, the nation’s nuclear arsenal retained and even strengthened its predominance of power. “Postrevisionist” analysts generally concur that Eisenhower was clearly the dominant decision-maker and developed an effective policy development process, but they question the efficacy of some of his decisions and policies, including his management of crises in this dangerous period of the Cold War, his increased use of covert operations and propaganda, his approach to decolonization, and his efforts to ease tensions and slow the nuclear arms race.


Author(s):  
Jorge I. Domínguez

Before dawn on 1 January 1959, President Fulgencio Batista fled Cuba. Insurgents led by Fidel Castro (one among several insurgent groups) soon established control over the national territory. Fidel Castro served as Cuba’s prime minister and then also as president of the Council of State from 1959 until 2006. His brother Raúl Castro succeeded him; in 2018, he stepped down from his government roles while remaining first secretary of the Communist Party. The ruling teams have changed only very gradually—six of the seventeen-member Political Bureau chosen at the Sixth Communist Party Congress, held in 2016, had eight members born in 1945 or earlier, the first time this older group ceded the Political Bureau majority, and nine born between 1958 and 1967. The years since 1959 encompass four periods. The first, the revolutionary decade of the 1960s, endeavored to transform many aspects of public life and private behavior, in a context of a failing economy, under Fidel Castro’s highly personalized rule. The second, during the 1970s and 1980s, featured the development of the Communist Party and state institutions akin to those prevalent in other communist countries, more orthodox central planning of the economy, with strong backing and funding from the Soviet Union, as well as the deployment of hundreds of thousands of Cuban troops and civilians overseas. The third, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, during the 1990s until 2006, exhibited a painful adjustment to greatly diminished economic circumstances and a mixed strategy to enact policy changes, some reminiscent of the 1960s and others pointing toward a market-oriented opening. The fourth, since 2006 under Raúl Castro’s leadership as Communist Party first secretary, adding since 2018 Miguel Díaz-Canel as president of the republic, has been marked by a gradual, albeit still limited, shift toward market-oriented policies and limited elements of political liberalization along with a tilt toward collective leadership and planned political succession. Across the four time periods, noteworthy changes have occurred in the economy, polity, and society, as well as in Cuba’s international circumstances.


1991 ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Tapani Valkonen ◽  
Zvidrins Krumins ◽  
Zvidrins Peteris

This article compares the development of mortality in Finland and Latvia from the pre-World War II time to the 1980s. This comparison is particularly interesting, because both the socioeconomic conditions and the levels of mortality were relatively similar in these countries in the 1920s and 1930s. Since the Second World War the economic and social development of Finland has differed from that of Latvia, which was incorporated into the Soviet Union. The differences in mortality trends between Finland and Latvia may thus shed light on the effects of the Soviet regime on mortality. The detailed analysis of the post-war mortality in Latvia has been virtually impossible until recently. Up to the end of the 1950s there were practically no open publications on mortality. From the beginning of the 1960s to the mid-1970s the statistical yearbook of Latvia published only a few selected indicators of mortality and life expectancy. From the mid-1970s till the mid-1980s the publication of these data stopped altogether. Limited information was included in bulletins and statistical collections that were meant for restricted circulation. The situation changed radically in 1988— 1989 when institutions of statistics essentially broadened the scope and content of published data on mortality, including age-specific death rates and mortality by cause of death.


2017 ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Georgy Filatov

Relations between Spain and the Soviet Union in the XX century had periods of rapid development and quick decline. During the civil war in Spain the ties intensified unprecedentedly, but the rule of Francisco Franco was marked by the transformation of the two states into ideological and political opponents. The period of World War II can be considered as the lowest point in the relationship, when Spanish volunteers fought in the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. The situation did not improve after the war, when the Soviet Union proposed the most stringent measures to influence the Franco regime. Nevertheless, since the second half of the 1950s, when both regimes experienced a period of relative liberalization, direct channels of communication, primarily economic, have begun to appear. Together with symbolic steps that the sides exchanged, the development of economic relations contributed significantly to the change. The Soviet Union supplied aluminum, cellu-lose and tractors, Spain exported agricultural products and copper. Since the middle of the 1960s, the range of goods has become more diverse: in Soviet deliveries, oil and oil products have played an increasing role, and Spain has provided more and more consumer goods. In the second half of the 1960s a new sphere has opened for the trade relations between Madrid and Moscow - fishing. Active development of the fishing industry in the USSR required new fishing areas, and the Spanish ports were convenient for basing Soviet fishing vessels. In the end of the decade, the sides signed a number of bilateral treaties regulating the mutual use of coastal infrastruc-ture. Economic ties between the USSR and the francoist Spain began to pave the way for establishing normal relations between the two countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 68 (02) ◽  
pp. 259-288
Author(s):  
Elena Zubkova

To what extent was the Soviet state able to control (and oppose) the process of social exclusion and to what extent was Soviet society ready to integrate social outcasts? This article attempts to answer these questions by analyzing the phenomenon of begging in the Soviet Union between the 1940s and the 1960s. The article begins by studying the phenomenon of begging as a reaction to poverty, serving as a survival strategy for the lower social classes who were excluded from society due to poor standards of living. A brief historical overview of the campaign to combat begging in the the USSR from the Revolution of 1917 until the mid-1950s shows both the continuity and shifting perspectives of state reaction to this social problem. This article also analyzes begging, which was an important social phenomenon in the USSR after World War II, through the specific biographies of actual beggars. The article concludes with an examination of the public discourse on poverty in the 1950s and early 1960s, which reveals how both society and the state viewed the issue.


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur H. Miller ◽  
William M. Reisinger ◽  
Vicki L. Hesli

Modernization theory suggests that in the post–World War II period increased education promoted public support for democratic principles and an individual opportunities society in the former Soviet Union. Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992), however, based on a 1989 survey in the Soviet Union, found that the less well educated were more supportive of individual locus of control than were the better educated. Examining survey data collected in the former USSR during 1990, 1991, 1992, and 1995, we find consistent reconfirmation of the modernization theory, despite a major decline in support for an opportunities society that occurs between 1992 and 1995. This recent increase in preference for socialism is explained by rising nationalism, growing nostalgia for communists, and disillusionment with certain aspects of the market economy, particularly the perceived growth of social inequality.


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
Leonid Fituni

December 14, 1960 marks the 60th anniversary of the adoption on the initiative of the USSR of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples by the XV Session of the UN General Assembly (GA). The author analyzes the significance of this act for the subsequent process of liberation of peoples from colonial rule from the perspective of the historical developments of the next six decades. The author comes up with a new interpretation of the diplomatic tactics chosen by the Soviet Union at the UN as well as in the confronting imperialist countries elsewhere on the timing of granting independence, ensuring the territorial integrity of the emerging young states, the presence of foreign bases and zones of extraterritorial jurisdiction on their land. The article provides a comparative analysis of the texts of the declaration proposed for consideration by the GA by the Soviet Union and the adopted version of the Declaration of the UN GA Resolution 1415 (XV). The author analyzes the situation in the world after the dismemberment of the USSR, from the perspective of the degree of completion of the decolonization process. He comes to the conclusion that in place of traditional colonialism, a project of a new global coloniality is being introduced, which preserves the fundamental and essential characteristics of actual colonial rule: external dependence and economic exploitation.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Tromly

During the height of the Cold War in the 1950s, the United States government unleashed covert operations intended to weaken the Soviet Union. As part of these efforts, the CIA undertook support of Russian exiles, populations uprooted either during World War II or by the Russian Revolution decades before. No one seemed better prepared to fight in the American secret war against communism than the uprooted Russians, whom the CIA directed to carry out propaganda, espionage, and subversion operations from their home base in West Germany. Yet the American engagement of Russian exiles had unpredictable outcomes. Drawing on recently declassified and previously untapped sources, Cold War Exiles and the CIA examines how the CIA’s Russian operations became entangled with the internal struggles of Russia abroad and also the espionage wars of the superpowers in divided Germany. What resulted was a transnational political sphere involving different groups of Russian exiles, American and German anti-communists, and spies operating on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Inadvertently, CIA’s patronage of Russian exiles forged a complex sub-front in the wider Cold War, demonstrating the ways in which the hostilities of the Cold War played out in ancillary conflicts involving proxies and non-state actors.


1995 ◽  
Vol 40 (S3) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Tilly

With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.


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