Effect of Hurricane Katrina on the Incidence of Acute Coronary Syndrome at a Primary Angioplasty Center in New Orleans

2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 144-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandeep Gautam ◽  
Jonathan Menachem ◽  
Sudesh K. Srivastav ◽  
Patrice Delafontaine ◽  
Anand Irimpen

ABSTRACTBackground: In August 2005, New Orleans was hit by Hurricane Katrina, the costliest natural disaster in US history. Previous studies have shown an increase in acute myocardial infarction (AMI) in the immediate hours to weeks after natural disasters. The goals of our study were to detect any long-term increase in the incidence of AMI after Katrina and to investigate any pertinent contributing factors.Methods: This was a single-center retrospective cohort observational study. Patients admitted with AMI to Tulane Health Sciences Center hospital in the 2 years before Katrina and in the 2 years after the hospital reopened (5 months after Katrina) were identified from hospital records. The 2 groups (pre- and post-Katrina) were compared for prespecified demographic and clinical data.Results: In the post-Katrina group, there were 246 admissions for AMI, out of a total census of 11,282 patients (2.18%), as compared with 150 AMI admissions out of a total of 21,229 patients (0.71%) in the pre-Katrina group (P < 0.0001). The post-Katrina group had a significantly higher prevalence of unemployment (P = 0.0003), lack of medical insurance (P < 0.0001), medication noncompliance (P = 0.0001), smoking (P = 0.001), substance abuse (P = 0.03), first-time hospitalization (P < 0.001), local residents rather than visitors affected (P < 0.0001), and people living in temporary housing (P = 0.003).Discussion: The role of chronic stress in the pathogenesis of AMI is poorly understood, especially in the aftermath of natural disasters. Our data suggest that Katrina was associated with prolonged loss of employment and insurance, decreased access to preventive health services, and an increased incidence of AMI. In addition, it appears that chronic stress after a natural disaster can be associated with tobacco abuse and medication and therapeutic noncompliance.Conclusions: We found a 3-fold increased incidence of AMI more than 2 years after Hurricane Katrina. Even allowing for the loss of some local hospitals after the disaster, this represents a significant change in overall health of the study population and supports the need for further study into the health effects of chronic stress. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2009;3:144–150)

2013 ◽  
Vol 61 (10) ◽  
pp. E12
Author(s):  
John Moscona ◽  
Sumit Tiwari ◽  
Kevin DeAndrade ◽  
Henry Quevedo ◽  
Matthew Peters ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-215
Author(s):  
Mirko Filipović ◽  
Sonja Žakula

Public perception and imagination tend to view natural disasters and catastrophes as phenomena that impact everyone equally. However, they do not occur in a historical, political, economic or social vacuum. Every phase and aspect of a disaster - its causes, vulnerability, preparedness, aftermath, response, reconstruction, the scope of the disaster and the price paid in the end are, to a lesser or greater extent, socially conditioned. Natural disasters actually replicate and amplify existing social inequalities and their effects. Such was also the case with hurricane Katrina. Black people, the poor, the elderly... remained in sunken New Orleans because their economic and social exclusion diminished their possibility to escape the disaster (the same way it diminished their opportunity to escape poverty). Had Katrina been a mere accident of geography and ecology, it would have been possible to peacefully await the resolution of its aftermath. However, because the inequalities which Katrina made apparent have deep socio-historical roots, it was illusory to expect that they would be repaired by the public policies on offer. Because of this, Katrina remains a powerful reminder to those advocating for a more just and democratic society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-64
Author(s):  
Adele Baruch ◽  
Daniel Creek

The special circumstances related to helping in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina—both a natural disaster and a man-made catastrophe—are explored. Stories of individual, formal, and informal networks of helping, alongside stories of exploitation and despair, were shared by participants. Significant to the history of the aftermath of Katrina was the eventual formalizing of some of the informal helping networks, such as the establishment of a musician’s village and performance center in the 9th Ward of New Orleans. The theme of “doing the right thing” echoed throughout our participant interviews, as did “the chance to move beyond angry.” Stories of helping appeared to provide examples of hope to the citizens affected by the storm, as well as encouragement towards purposeful action. The stories of helping, along with participation in altruistic social networks, appear to provide a pathway to the recollection and transformation of traumatic memories.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 195
Author(s):  
Mirko Filipović ◽  
Sonja Žakula

 Public perception and imagination tend to view natural disasters and catastrophes as phenomena that impact everyone equally. However, they do not occur in a historical, political, economic or social vacuum. Every phase and aspect of a disaster - its causes, vulnerability, preparedness, aftermath, response, reconstruction, the scope of the disaster and the price paid in the end are, to a lesser or greater extent, socially conditioned. Natural disasters actually replicate and amplify existing social inequalities and their effects. Such was also the case with hurricane Katrina. Black people, the poor, the elderly... remained in sunken New Orleans because their economic and social exclusion diminished their possibility to escape the disaster (the same way it diminished their opportunity to escape poverty). Had Katrina been a mere accident of geography and ecology, it would have been possible to peacefully await the resolution of its aftermath. However, because the inequalities which Katrina made apparent have deep socio-historical roots, it was illusory to expect that they would be repaired by the public policies on offer. Because of this, Katrina remains a powerful reminder to those advocating for a more just and democratic society. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-115
Author(s):  
Helen Jaksch

The empty chairs found in photographs taken in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina are unfillable voids. This major natural disaster transforms the everyday object of the chair, magnified by the medium of photography, into an extraordinary place full of potentiality for the performance of memory, for haunting, and for ghosts.


Blood ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 126 (23) ◽  
pp. 5589-5589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chittalsinh M Raulji

Abstract Hurricane Katrina was one of the worst natural disasters to hit the United States. Pediatric hematology/oncology patients, having unique physical and mental health needs, are particularly vulnerable to social and mental effects of natural disasters. We conducted a study one year after Katrina to determine the impact of the hurricane on those under our care for sickle cell disease and cancer, conducting a two-step survey-based study at Children's Hospital of New Orleans. The first survey was conducted 1 year after Katrina, attempting to identify gaps in healthcare services for pediatric hematology oncology patients that could be remediated in the event of another disaster such as Katrina, e.g., what barriers to care they encountered; and their opinions as to how hurricane preparedness could be improved. Utilizing responses to this survey, we then implemented a "Hurricane Action Plan". Each year, at the beginning of hurricane season, families were given a questionnaire, which asked them about pertinent patient identification data; about their evacuation plan if a hurricane were to fall; about the presence of a hospital in the area to which they would evacuate; which pharmacy they would be using. They were assisted with updating their child's roadmap and were asked to have this updated copy of the roadmap (or other health information) with them in the event of an evacuation. Information given about the child/family's evacuation plan was then scanned to a flash drive by medical staff along with the child's health information. The families were also given information as to where the pediatric hematology oncology clinic would be held in case of evacuation and were instructed on how to contact the caregivers. A subsequent survey was performed 7-8 years later to evaluate the efficacy of those measures taken. In our first post-Katrina survey, more patients were found to be in lower socioeconomic and educational strata. In the first survey, a majority of our patients had evacuated before or immediately after the storm and some were even separated from their children. Only half of the families in our study had an evacuation plan in place for the hurricane and a third of the families did not know where they were going when they evacuated. This uncertainty made it quite difficult for the families to seek pediatric hematology/oncology care in the place of displacement. There was inadequate time for arrangements for referral to be made, for the child's medications to be procured, for an alternate provider to be identified, or even for the health records of the child to become available. A majority of our patient cohort was already at a higher risk of mental health disorders, and more than half the caregivers reported some kind of emotional disturbance in the child after the hurricane. With the second survey 7 years after the "Hurricane Action Plan" came into effect, we found that in subsequent hurricanes affecting New Orleans and the Gulf Coast, a significant number of families were still being displaced. However, a majority of families (78%) had a plan in place for evacuation and care of their child. This was a significantly better response than prior to Katrina. Families were now more likely to have a store of medications to last for at least 2 weeks. 92 % found the information given to them about alternative facilities and other possible care providers to be extremely helpful. We have found that the communication between families and those of us at CHNOLA who provide care for these children to be vital and hurricane preparedness to be a success. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.


Author(s):  
Anne Marie Arlinghaus

In August 2005, Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans and the Mississippi Gulf Coast, and in its aftermath, Americans were left asking why it had happened. This paper explores the discussions that occurred in newspaper articles, editorials, websites, and blogs in an attempt to distill the multiple interpretations people had of such a major natural disaster. Three major meanings emerge: that the hurricane was a type of divine retribution, that the hurricane was caused or its consequences exacerbated by human failings, and that the hurricane could serve as a catalyst for social change.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael R. Mabe

Emergency management professionals over the years have realized that preplanning and coordination is essential when mounting an effective reaction to a natural disaster. During Hurricane Katrina, professionals learned that preplanning and preparation must include a plan for responding to the unexpected. Chesterfield County, VA learned this lesson in 2011 during Hurricane Irene when unexpected events required adjusting the plan. The amount of damage caused by Irene was minimal compared to Katrina but the impact of responding to unexpected needs was just as compelling. During Irene and other natural disasters that followed the Chesterfield County Public (CCPL) became a key component in meeting unexpected needs mass care and communications. CCPL can now serve as an information hub, double as a daytime relief shelter and participate in mass feeding if necessary during emergency situations. Selected library branches are also be used as overnight relief shelters when the activation of a standard sized shelter facility is not warranted.


Author(s):  
Derek Hoeferlin ◽  

Much has been accomplished – and much debated– since Hurricane Katrina made landfall outside of New Orleans in 2005. There have been many successes – and many failures – in regards to the recovery, rebuilding and resiliency of the unique“Cross-American” port city. Social, economic and environmental justice issues have been brought to the forefront, in the wake of an unprecedented human-altered “natural” disaster. This paper will not attempt to regurgitate what has been critiqued and promulgated about New Orleans in relation to status quo rebuilding. Rather, the paper will focus on water management demands, efforts and proposals since the storm; and, how these water-centric efforts have challenged existing decision-making regimes, in turn advocating for new governance partnerships, funding streams and integrative design methodologies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 2732-2746
Author(s):  
Alison Marie Simons

Disasters are a prominent feature of our lives as they appear to become more devasting and more frequent. Though we understand the scientific nature of natural disasters there remains an element that maintains that natural disasters are under God’s control and sent for a reason. This study undertaken following Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans seeks to understand how people used their faith prior to, during in, and after the storm. Subsequently, the study finds that different denominations exhibit different behaviors and practices prior to, during and after the storm. These practices are consistent with differences in social class and race: those with fewer resources relying more on their faith, believing in a more direct link to God, and maintaining that God sent the storm as part of His plan to re-direct their life.


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