Earl Baldwin Of Bewdley, K.G. 1867-1947

1948 ◽  
Vol 6 (17) ◽  
pp. 2-5
Keyword(s):  
Royal Society ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scientific Thought ◽  
Scientific Training ◽  
Close Friendships ◽  
Scientific Mind ◽  
History Of

This tribute is an attempt to portray the qualities of a remarkable man and is in no sense a chapter in the political history of our times. Stanley Baldwin—the title of nobility can never replace the name by which he was familiarly known—was admitted to the Fellowship of the Royal Society in 1927 under the Statute which permits the election of ‘those who have rendered conspicuous service to the cause of Science or are such that their election would be of signal benefit to the Society’. The honour was well merited and the obligation implied in its acceptance was fully discharged. At that date Baldwin was approaching the summit of his powers, having already been twice Prime Minister and likely to occupy that exalted position again. Many honours and dignities had come to him and many more were to follow, but to the end of his days he cherished with special pride the honour of being numbered among those who sought truth by ways unfamiliar to him. He was in no sense a scientist. Beyond attending in his early business life a brief course of lectures on metallurgy delivered by Turner at Birmingham he had never undergone the discipline of a scientific training; the soil on which his intellectual gifts had been nourished was a compost of classics, literature and history, a mixture which produced rich fruits but denied to him access to the scientific thought of his generation. Nevertheless, as became one whose spiritual home was Cambridge, he had a profound respect for the working of the scientific mind and he formed many close friendships with scientific men, envying them poignantly and with lovable humility, their possession of knowledge from which he was excluded. His contribution to science was, in consequence, mainly that which can be given by a Prime Minister and by a Lord President of Council sympathetic to the claims of science as worthy of man’s highest endeavour and of support by the State.

scholarly journals Lengsernya Soeharto sebagai Presiden Republik Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Mobile Phones ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.

The political history of administration: Forms of the state in France in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Alain Chatrtot
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
History Of ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽  
Stark Contrast ◽  
Philosophical Debates

The few works that have focused on the history of the state in France stand in stark contrast to the vigor of the judgments made on its behalf. Thus a disparity emerged: the state as a political problem, or as a bureaucratic phenomenon, is at the heart of partisan passions and philosophical debates at the same time that it has remained a kind of ahistorical object.1

1869: State Elections and Reorganization

2008 ◽  
pp. 67-72
Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
History Of

This chapter explores how 1869 was an important year in the political history of the state of Mississippi. The new constitution which was rejected in 1868 was to be resubmitted to a popular vote in November. At the same time, state officers, members of the legislature, congressmen, and district and county officers were to be elected. Since the objectionable clauses in the constitution were to be submitted to a separate vote and since it was understood that both parties would favor their rejection, there was no serious opposition to the ratification of the constitution as thus amended. But a hard and stubborn fight was to be made for control of state government.

‘Enemy Agents at Work’: A microhistory of the 1954 Adamjee and Karnaphuli riots in East Pakistan

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
LAYLI UDDIN
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Paper Mill ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Real ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Between March and May 1954, an election and two riots took place in East Pakistan, with far-reaching implications. On 30 May, the prime minister of Pakistan, in a bellicose tone, declared that ‘enemy agents’ and ‘disruptive forces’ were at work and imposed governor's rule for the first time in East Pakistan. The autocratic and high-handed attitude of the Central government in Karachi over the seemingly wayward East Wing was to become a portent of future conflicts between the province and the state, eventually leading to the unmaking of Pakistan in 1971. What precipitated the 1954 crisis? Who were the enemy agents and disruptive forces that the prime minister had alluded to? The reference was to the Bengali labourers in East Pakistan—the main protagonists of the 1954 Karnaphuli Paper Mill and Adamjee Jute Mill riots. These were the most violent industrial riots in the history of United Pakistan, if not the subcontinent. Using sensitive materials obtained from multiple archives, this article dismantles the conventional thesis that these riots were ‘Bengali–Bihari riots’, fanned by the flames of Bengali provincialism at the political level, or events instigated by the Centre to derail the democratic hopes of the Bengali population of Pakistan. A microhistory of the events demonstrates a more complex picture of postcolonial labour formations and solidarities; the relationship between state-led industrialization and refugee rehabilitation, and conflicting visions of sovereignty. This is a story of estrangement between employers and workers over the question of who were the real sovereigns of labour, capital, and Pakistan itself.

1872: Election to Congress

2008 ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
Congressional Elections ◽  
National Election ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
History Of ◽  
Republican Nomination

This chapter shows how 1872 was an important year in the political history of the state and nation. It was the year of the presidential and congressional elections. This was the first national election that Mississippi was to take part in since the readmission of the state into the Union. Immediately upon John Roy Lynch's return to the state, the contest for the Republican nomination for Congress in the Sixth District was opened. His friends had decided that this was the time for him to go to Congress. After a warm and exciting campaign, extending over a period of about one month, the primaries in the different voting precincts were held which resulted in a sweeping victory for the Lynch ticket, which enabled that faction to send a solid delegation to the congressional district convention. This made Lynch the nominee of the party for Congress in that district, without further serious opposition. The district convention was held at Brookhaven in August. Lynch reached the constitutional age of eligibility in September and was elected in November of the same year.

Sedition and the Judicial Discourse in Postcolonial India

2018 ◽  
pp. 176-224
Author(s):  
Anushka Singh
Keyword(s):  
Speech Act ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Judicial Discourse ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Law

It traces the discourse on freedom of expression in postcolonial idea, the security imperatives of the state, the political history of the law of sedition post-Independence and its journey within the courts. Through this, an attempt at conceptualizing public order, security of state and other grounds along which the act of sedition is penalized, is made. This chapter begins with debates on sedition within the Constituent Assembly and systematically takes these debates to the higher courts in India employing legal hermeneutics to read into the judgements and deduce a theory of sedition coming from the judiciary. The chapter treats the judicial pronouncements as contributing to the study of sedition as a speech act to identify what emerges as the crime of sedition within the legal-juridical regime in India.

Continuities in Ottoman Centre–Periphery Relations, 1787–1915

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
FREDERICK ANSCOMBE
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political History ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Support ◽  
History Of

In the political history of the Ottoman Empire, the long nineteenth century (1789–1915) stands out as a period of far-reaching, rapid change in the nature of the state. While the persistence of old practices should not be assumed along all frontiers of the empire, where it was applied the mutual support arrangement worked reasonably well at both ends of the nineteenth century. The two cases examined in this chapter illustrate this in a surprising fashion. The parallels are unexpected because among the notables involved, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha (1787–1820) in Epirus (Greece and Albania) and the Al Sabah and Al Thani shaykhs (1870–1915) in eastern Arabia carry reputations as unwilling subjects who rebelled against the sultan. It was largely due to the centre's failure to continue to uphold its part of the mutual support arrangement.

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