‘Enemy Agents at Work’: A microhistory of the 1954 Adamjee and Karnaphuli riots in East Pakistan

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
LAYLI UDDIN

Abstract Between March and May 1954, an election and two riots took place in East Pakistan, with far-reaching implications. On 30 May, the prime minister of Pakistan, in a bellicose tone, declared that ‘enemy agents’ and ‘disruptive forces’ were at work and imposed governor's rule for the first time in East Pakistan. The autocratic and high-handed attitude of the Central government in Karachi over the seemingly wayward East Wing was to become a portent of future conflicts between the province and the state, eventually leading to the unmaking of Pakistan in 1971. What precipitated the 1954 crisis? Who were the enemy agents and disruptive forces that the prime minister had alluded to? The reference was to the Bengali labourers in East Pakistan—the main protagonists of the 1954 Karnaphuli Paper Mill and Adamjee Jute Mill riots. These were the most violent industrial riots in the history of United Pakistan, if not the subcontinent. Using sensitive materials obtained from multiple archives, this article dismantles the conventional thesis that these riots were ‘Bengali–Bihari riots’, fanned by the flames of Bengali provincialism at the political level, or events instigated by the Centre to derail the democratic hopes of the Bengali population of Pakistan. A microhistory of the events demonstrates a more complex picture of postcolonial labour formations and solidarities; the relationship between state-led industrialization and refugee rehabilitation, and conflicting visions of sovereignty. This is a story of estrangement between employers and workers over the question of who were the real sovereigns of labour, capital, and Pakistan itself.

Author(s):  
Sofia Kohut

The paper highlights the relationship between the Ukrainian literary critic, journalist, and writer Mykhailo Rudnytskyi and the Shevchenko Scientific Society in Lviv, namely the members of its Philological department. The continuous opposition in these relations was rooted in a different understanding of tasks that might be considered as proper for humanities. In particular, the paper analyses the reasons that prompted М. Rudnytskyi to negatively assess К. Studynskyi’s activity in language and orthographic issues. Rudnytskyi considered the language politics of К. Studynskyi to be amateurish, out-of-date, and incongruous with the contemporary academic requirements and public level of Society. The paper also deals with a theme of debates in Halychyna around Skrypnyk’s orthography of 1929 and the active voice of Mykhailo Rudnytskyi on this issue. Another subject of the paper is the history of the Ukrainian General Encyclopaedia (1930—1933). The scholar contributed to this project as one of the editors. Here the paper focuses on Mykhailo Rudnytskyi’s views concerning the Encyclopedic area in particular and the state of Ukrainian academic studies on the whole, as well as the prospects of their development. The paper’s author aims to clarify the position of the scholar regarding the classic ‘canon’ of literature and methodology of criticism and evaluation. Despite different opinions and confrontation, in 1935 M. Rudnytskyj became a member of the Philological Section of the Shevchenko Scientific Society. Two letters of Mykhailo Rudnytskyi to the vice-chairman of Shevchenko Scientific Society Volodymyr Levytskyi are published for the first time.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Resul Umit

The election of the 12th President of Turkey was remarkably different than the elections of the previous 11. For the first time in the history of the Republic, the head of the state was directly elected by ordinary people rather than chosen by their representatives in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. On 10 August 2014, the incumbent Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan won a simple majority of votes in the first round of the election and became the president for the next five years.


Author(s):  
Ayrat Halitovich Tuhvatullin ◽  
Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn ◽  
Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin ◽  
Alina Petrovna Sultanova

The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.


Author(s):  
Anwar Ouassini

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between the Islamic religio-order and the fledgling democratic institutions in contemporary Afghanistan. This paper challenges the predominant notion that Islam and democracy are not compatible in Afghanistan by producing a historical account that traces the history of the Afghan religio-order in relation to the ever-changing political sphere. I argue that the Afghan religio-order has historically been co-opted and controlled by Afghan political institutions, no matter what political and ideological system was in place. The legitimation of the political sphere by the Islamic religio-order reveals that Islamic authority and legitimacy given to political institutions is shaped by political interests as opposed to religious doctrine. Finally, this paper builds on the historical analysis to argue that the contemporary Islamic democratic system provides for the first time in contemporary Afghan history an autonomous Islamic religio-order via the Afghan judiciary.


Subject Subnational governments and decentralisation. Significance In mid-February, the central government announced the transfer of some of its functions to a new structure of regional government that will begin to take definitive shape next year when regional governors are elected for the first time. There is broad recognition across the political spectrum of the relationship between decentralisation, regional and local development, productivity and, ultimately, economic diversification from the country’s dependence on a handful of natural resources. Impacts Senators, in particular, are wary of the election of regional governors since they will share the same constituency. Without adequate resources and powers, elected governors risk becoming merely a sound box for regional demands. Further legislation will almost certainly be required to clarify some of the provisions of the 2017 laws.


1948 ◽  
Vol 6 (17) ◽  
pp. 2-5

This tribute is an attempt to portray the qualities of a remarkable man and is in no sense a chapter in the political history of our times. Stanley Baldwin—the title of nobility can never replace the name by which he was familiarly known—was admitted to the Fellowship of the Royal Society in 1927 under the Statute which permits the election of ‘those who have rendered conspicuous service to the cause of Science or are such that their election would be of signal benefit to the Society’. The honour was well merited and the obligation implied in its acceptance was fully discharged. At that date Baldwin was approaching the summit of his powers, having already been twice Prime Minister and likely to occupy that exalted position again. Many honours and dignities had come to him and many more were to follow, but to the end of his days he cherished with special pride the honour of being numbered among those who sought truth by ways unfamiliar to him. He was in no sense a scientist. Beyond attending in his early business life a brief course of lectures on metallurgy delivered by Turner at Birmingham he had never undergone the discipline of a scientific training; the soil on which his intellectual gifts had been nourished was a compost of classics, literature and history, a mixture which produced rich fruits but denied to him access to the scientific thought of his generation. Nevertheless, as became one whose spiritual home was Cambridge, he had a profound respect for the working of the scientific mind and he formed many close friendships with scientific men, envying them poignantly and with lovable humility, their possession of knowledge from which he was excluded. His contribution to science was, in consequence, mainly that which can be given by a Prime Minister and by a Lord President of Council sympathetic to the claims of science as worthy of man’s highest endeavour and of support by the State.


Author(s):  
Darya S. Moskovskаya ◽  

The article presents an experience in reconstructing the history of the Federation of Associations of Soviet writers (FASW) based on archived primary sourceson from the Department of manuscripts of the IWL RAS, which are being for the first time introduced into scientific circulation. The history of the FASW (FOSP) is the history of the struggle of proletarian organizations for the leadership of the entire Federation. The main method of manipulation was the Communist faction of the FASW headed by A.A. Fadeev, which was controlled by the press Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU(b). The Federation duplicated trade Union functions provided its members with housing, the opportunity to relax, travel abroad, and helped reduce taxes on the income of writers. The Federation was funded by the Narkompros. The history of the FASW shows that after the end of the NEP, the existence оf the institute of literature became directly dependent on the nature of the relationship with the only counterparty — the state with which the writers concluded employment contracts. At the end of the first five-year plan, the Federation was an extra link in the business communication between the writer and the state, which required a significant budget and refracted the voice of power with the interpretations of self-appointed ideologues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-354
Author(s):  
Zach Bates

Due to its status as a territory under the joint rule of Egypt and Britain, the Sudan occupied an awkward place in the British Empire. Because of this, it has not received much attention from scholars. In theory, it was not a colony, but, in practice, the Sudan was ruled primarily by British administrators and was the site of several developmental schemes, most of which concerned cotton-growing and harnessing the waters of the Nile. It was also the site of popular literature, travelogues and the most well-known of Alexander Korda's empire films. This article focuses on five British films –  Cotton Growing in the Sudan (c.1925), Stark Nature (1930), Stampede (1930), The Four Feathers (1939) and They Planted a Stone (1953) – that take the Sudan as their subject. It argues that each of these films shows an evolving and related discourse of the region that embraced several motifs: cooperation as the foundation of the relationship between the Sudanese and the British; Sudanese peoples in conflict with a sometimes hostile landscape and environment that the British could ‘tame’; and the British being in the Sudan in order to improve it and its people before leaving them to self-government. However, some of the films, especially The Four Feathers, subtly questioned and subverted the British presence in the Sudan and engaged with a number of the political questions not overtly mentioned in documentaries. The article, therefore, argues for a nuanced and complex picture of representations of the Sudan in British film from 1925 to 1953.


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