The Glorious Revolution and medicine in Britain and the Netherlands

During the 17th century, the universities of The Netherlands, and especially that at Leiden, rose to dominate European medical culture. Equipped with an excellent botanical garden and anatomy theatre, established following Italian models in the late 16th century, and with an observatory and chemical laboratory, built in the mid-17th century, Leiden represented the model of the innovative academy. Its clinical course, inaugurated in 1638, was widely seen as a centre of excellence (1). For British observers, furthermore, this status was but one part of the ‘Dutch problem’, the apparently miraculous success of Dutch culture and economy. Natural philosophers joined other analysts in their attention to this issue. William Petty, who had studied medicine in the 1640s at Leiden, Amsterdam and Utrecht, subjected the problem of Dutch supremacy to his new-fangled ‘political anatomy’. While at Leiden he composed both a History of seven months practise in a chymical laboratory and also a Collection of the frugalities of Holland . Among these ‘frugalities’ he listed ‘equall representation; no gentlemen; divines, physicians and soldiers not the greatest m en; all working; toleration ’. He even cited Dutch power to illustrate the political uses of ridicule: noting that the cheese was the symbol of Holland as the Sun was that of Louis XIV, ‘saying that the Holland cheeze should eclipse the Sun as the Moone doth, would have turn’d the King of France into Ridicule, especially if the success had answer’d ’.

Soon after his accession to the English throne William’s two navies started combined operations against the common enemy France. The Nine Years War had broken out, and this was followed after a short interval by the War of the Spanish Succession. Combined naval operations by two allies were nothing uncommon in those days. Anglo- French fleets had fought the Dutch in no fewer than four fierce battles in 1672 and 1673. French and Dutch squadrons had cooperated against the English Navy in 1666, and much earlier in 1596 and 16252727 Anglo- Dutch fleets jointly attacked Spanish ports (1). In these examples cooperation never lasted long nor was it very close. Problems concerning the command structure were seldom satisfactorily solved. Allies regularly changed sides during the 17th century. The Glorious Revolution, however, can be treated as a turning point. England became involved in a generations-long struggle against France. The Dutch Republic under William III had already started to fight Louis XIV’s urge for expansion, more than 15 years earlier. Both countries almost became traditional allies. Right from the beginning in 1689 detailed arrangements were made for naval cooperation, long-standing ones as later developments showed.


1995 ◽  
Vol 120 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward T. Corp

Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688–9, James II and the Stuart royal family lived in exile as the guests of Louis XIV at the Château de St-Germain-en-Laye, near Paris. James II died in 1701 and was succeeded as king-in-exile by his son, James III. The court of these two kings remained at St-Germain-en-Laye for well over 20 years, until James III was expelled from France at the demand of the British government.


2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanneke Ronnes

The grand houses and gardens of William of Orange (1650–1702) and his courtiers in Britain and the Netherlands are strongly influenced by the French style, itself associated with Louis XIV, who was actually William’s arch-rival. This paper explores that paradox by probing ideas of power and friendship in 17th-century court culture.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Scott

This chapter demonstrates how ideas motivated the movement of people across early modern Europe, the North Sea, and the Atlantic. Some of these migrants were refugees, others political and religious exiles, and others adventurers and pilgrims. The chapter identifies three transnational migrations of constitutive importance to the Anglo-Dutch-American process. The first involved Protestants fleeing from sixteenth-century Germany and France into the Netherlands, and then in some cases from the Netherlands into England. The second saw early seventeenth-century Scots and English Protestants sheltering in the Netherlands and then crossing the Atlantic alongside other Scots and English migrants to Ireland and the American colonies. Finally, after 1660, English dissenters seeking liberty of conscience in the Netherlands and the American colonies overlapped with French Huguenots fleeing to the Netherlands and England, feeding, after the Glorious Revolution, into a more general migration of European Protestant people, culture, and capital into a world city.


2004 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-144
Author(s):  
Deborah Payne Fisk

This superb monograph examines how radical politics found expression in performance in the decade prior to the Glorious Revolution. The years from 1678 to 1688 saw the English monarchy rocked by successive crises, ranging from allegations of secret Catholic plots to murder the king (largely fabricated) to murmurings of dark dealings between Louis XIV and Charles II (largely true). The inability of Charles II to produce a legitimate heir also worried a Protestant citizenry who feared that the line of succession would devolve to James, the Catholic brother of Charles II. Arbitrary rule, strict censorship, excessive taxation, and an atmosphere of Stalinesque surveillance further inflamed the populace. As Johnson wryly notes, the problem with the Restoration was that it restored too much, especially the oppressive political attitudes that caused the Civil War in the first place. Amid this tumult, Johnson situates the patent theatres and street performance. He is certainly not the first scholar to do so, but he is, happily, the first in a long time to combine keen intelligence with common sense. That he tells this compelling story stylishly and with verve gives one all the more reason to read this first-rate study.


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 521-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPH KAMPMANN

ABSTRACTRecent scholarly debate about the Glorious Revolution has put renewed focus on the fear of a new aggressive Catholic confessionalism that was widespread among English and European Protestants. One important example is the threat of an imminent French-led joint Catholic aggression against the Netherlands and other Protestant states. This fear was shared by William of Orange and contributed to his decision to risk invading England in the autumn of 1688. Thanks to new archival sources, it is clear that Emperor Leopold contributed substantially to increasing this fear. In July 1688, the imperial government informed William of Orange about unprecedented French offers to Leopold to win over the emperor for a new Catholic alliance. Almost certainly these offers were fictitious, but nevertheless they had an alarming effect on William: he was convinced that an autonomous, ‘uncontrolled’ development in England (regardless of whether it would lead to a ‘popish’ despotism or to a Protestant republic) would only benefit France and should be avoided in this decisive situation. Consequently, after July 1688 William and his diplomats repeatedly referred to the supposed ‘indiscretions’ from Vienna to demonstrate the necessity of intervening in England.


Author(s):  
Meredith McNeill Hale

This chapter examines seven of De Hooghe’s eighteen satires on the events surrounding William III’s invasion of England and associated diplomatic and military campaigns. These satires, which were produced between the autumn of 1688 and summer of 1690, followed the events of the Glorious Revolution as they unfolded and represent not only key political-historical events but also the development of De Hooghe’s satirical strategies. William III is featured as the sober and valiant defender of Protestantism against the Catholic kings, James II and Louis XIV, who appear as a darkly comic duo, misguided adherents of a primitive religion committed only to their own aggrandizement. This discussion examines the iconography of the foreign satires, providing detailed interpretive analysis and translation of many of the texts into English for the first time. It will be demonstrated that De Hooghe responded almost immediately to the rapid unfolding of events that constituted the Glorious Revolution, highlighting the need to consider them in terms of the speed with which they were produced and their serial nature. It is often possible to determine the month in which a satire was made and, in certain cases, the timeframe can be narrowed to weeks. This dramatic imbrication in a particular historical moment is characteristic of political satire to this day.


Author(s):  
Meredith McNeill Hale

This book documents one of the most important moments in the history of printed political imagery, when the political print became what we would recognize as modern political satire. Contrary to conventional historical and art-historical narratives, which place the emergence of political satire in the news-driven coffee-house culture of eighteenth-century London, this study locates the birth of the genre in the late seventeenth-century Netherlands in the contentious political milieu surrounding William III’s invasion of England known as the ‘Glorious Revolution’. The satires produced between 1688 and 1690 by the Dutch printmaker Romeyn de Hooghe (1645–1708) on the events surrounding William III’s campaigns against James II and Louis XIV establish many of the qualities that define the genre to this day: the transgression of bodily boundaries; the interdependence of text and image; the centrality of dialogic text to the generation of meaning; serialized production; and the emergence of the satirist as a primary participant in political discourse. This study, the first in-depth analysis of De Hooghe’s satires since the nineteenth century, considers these prints as sites of cultural influence and negotiation, works that both reflected and helped to construct a new relationship between the government and the governed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 131-147
Author(s):  
William E. Nelson

The Stuart kings, Charles I and James I, had sought to rationalize and centralize power in England’s colonial empire, but the Glorious Revolution put an end to their efforts. The new monarch, William III, had a different objective—to protect Protestantism and defeat the ambitions of France’s king, Louis XIV. As long as colonies supported that objective, William was willing to allow them substantial self-government. As a result, power became localized as juries in some colonies and local judges in others were given control over the law. Pennsylvania was the only colony in which a central court exercised power over a broad geographic area.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document