V. Observations on the chemical nature of the humours of the eye

1803 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 195-199

The functions of the eye, so far as they are physical, have been found subject to the common laws of optics. It cannot be expected that chemistry should clear up such obscure points of physiology, as all the operations of vision appear to be; but, some acquaintance with the intimate nature of the substances which produce the effects, cannot fail to be a useful appendage to a knowledge of the mechanical structure of the organ. The chemical history of the humours of the eye, is not of much extent. The aqueous humour had been examined by Bertrandi; who said, that its specific gravity was 975, and therefore less than that of distilled water. Fourcroy, in his Système des Connoissances chimiques , tells us, that it has a saltish taste; that it evaporates without leaving a residuum; but that it contains some animal matter, with some alkaline phosphate and muriate. These contradictions only prove, that we have no accurate knowledge upon the subject.

After a brief survey of what former physiologists, such as Bertrandi, Fourcroy, Wintringham, and Chrouet, have done in investigating the chemical history of the humours of the eye, in all which he found so considerable a disagreement, and so much obscurity, as to render a new analysis at least useful if not necessary, Mr. Chenevix proceeds to give us his own experiments. Of these, the first series was made on the eyes of sheep, and the second on the human eye ; and they of course relate to the three humours, the aqueous, the crystalline, and the vitreous. The specific gravity of the aqueous humour of the sheep’s eye was found to be 10.090, taking that of water as 10.000 ; and from the results of various experiments, it appears to be composed of water, albumen, gelatine, and of a muriate the basis of which was found to be soda. The specific gravity of the crystalline was equal to 11.000, and was found to consist of a smaller quantity of water than the other humours, but of much larger proportion of albumen and gelatine ; and no essential difference could be perceived between the vitreous humour and the aqueous, their specific gravities, as well as their several chemical properties, being the same.


1844 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-395
Author(s):  
John Davy

That the common varieties of wood which float in water, owe their apparent lightness to air contained in their structure, is generally admitted by those who have paid any attention to the subject. By means of the air-pump, the fact is clearly demonstrated. Under the exhausted receiver, after a certain time, the time varying with the quality of wood, all the different specimens which I have tried have sunk; I may mention two or three in particular, as examples. A piece of oak, weighing 29.7 grs., sank in distilled water, after having been subjected to the air-pump three days;—a piece of deal, weighing 16.3 grs., similarly acted on, floated ten days;—and a portion of the pith of the elder, weighing only .133 grain, floated seven days.


1832 ◽  
Vol 122 ◽  
pp. 539-574 ◽  

I have for some time entertained an opinion, in common with some others who have turned their attention tot he subject, that a good series of observations with a Water-Barometer, accurately constructed, might throw some light upon several important points of physical science: amongst others, upon the tides of the atmosphere; the horary oscillations of the counterpoising column; the ascending and descending rate of its greater oscillations; and the tension of vapour at different atmospheric temperatures. I have sought in vain in various scientific works, and in the Transactions of Philosophical Societies, for the record of any such observations, or for a description of an instrument calculated to afford the required information with anything approaching to precision. In the first volume of the History of the French Academy of Sciences, a cursory reference is made, in the following words, to some experiments of M. Mariotte upon the subject, of which no particulars appear to have been preserved. “Le même M. Mariotte fit aussi à l’observatoire des experiences sur le baromètre ordinaire à mercure comparé au baromètre à eau. Dans l’un le mercure s’eléva à 28 polices, et dans Fautre l’eau fut a 31 pieds Cequi donne le rapport du mercure à l’eau de 13½ à 1.” Histoire de I'Acadérmie, tom. i. p. 234. It also appears that Otto Guricke constructed a philosophical toy for the amusement of himself and friends, upon the principle of the water-barometer; but the column of water probably in this, as in all the other instances which I have met with, was raised by the imperfect rarefaction of the air in the tube above it, or by filling with water a metallic tube, of sufficient length, cemented to a glass one at its upper extremity, and fitted with a stop-cock at each end; so that when full the upper one might be closed and the lower opened, when the water would fall till it afforded an equipoise to the pressure of the atmo­sphere. The imperfections of such an instrument, it is quite clear, would render it totally unfit for the delicate investigations required in the present state of science; as, to render the observations of any value, it is absolutely necessary that the water should be thoroughly purged of air, by boiling, and its insinuation or reabsorption effectually guarded against. I was convinced that the only chance of securing these two necessary ends, was to form the whole length of tube of one piece of glass, and to boil the water in it, as is done with mercury in the common barometer. The practical difficulties which opposed themselves to such a construction long appeared to me insurmount­able; but I at length contrived a plan for the purpose, which, having been honoured with the approval of the late Meteorological Committee of this Society, was ordered to be carried into execution by the President and Council.


1971 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. Baker

Slade's Case is of such significance in the history of the common law that it has, quite properly, been the subject of more scrutiny and discussion in recent years than any other case of the same age. The foundation of all this discussion has been Coke's report, which is the only full report in print. The accuracy and completeness of Coke's version have hardly been challenged, and the discussions have assumed that it contains almost all there is to know about the case. This assumption must be discarded if we are to understand the contemporary significance of the case.


1845 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 424-426
Author(s):  
Davy

The author enters on the subject by adverting to the apparent lightness imparted to the common woods, and to certain vesicular minerals, by the entanglement of air in their substance, as is commonly understood, and as is proved by the action of the air-pump. The specific gravity of oak-wood, after having been kept under the exhausted receiver till it sunk in water, and ceased to give off air, he found to be (inclusive of hygrometric moisture) 1.58; that of deal, 1.18, or when crushed about 1.5; that of the pith of the elder, 1.45; and that of pumice, 1.94, or crushed, 2.41, which is nearly the same as that of obsidian, from which pumice appears to be formed by the action of volcanic fire.


1867 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 502-503 ◽  

Some light may possibly be thrown upon the history of such metals found in nature as are of a soft colloid description, particularly native iron, platinum, and gold, by an investigation of the gases which they hold occluded, such gases being borrowed from the atmosphere in which the metallic mass last found itself in a state of ignition. The meteoric iron of Lenarto appeared to be well adapted for a trial. This well-known iron is free from any stony admixture, and is remarkably pure and malleable. It was found by Wehrle to be of specific gravity 7·79, and to consist of— Iron ........... 90·883 Nickel .......... 8·450 Cobalt ........... 0·665 Copper .......... 0·002 From a larger mass a strip of the Lenarto iron 50 millimetres by 13 and 10 millimetres, was cut by a clean chisel. It weighed 45·2 grammes, and had the bulk of 5·78 cubic centimetres. The strip was well washed by hot solution of potassa, and then repeatedly by hot distilled water, and dried. Such treatment of iron, it had' been previously found, conduces in no way to the evolution of hydrogen gas when the metal is subsequently heated The Lenarto iron was enclosed in a new porcelain tube, and the latter being attached to a Sprengel aspirator, a good, vacuum was obtained in the cold. The tube being placed in a trough combustion furnace, was heated to redness by ignited charcoal. Gas came off rather freely, namely— In 35 minutes ........... 5·38 cub. centims. In 100 minutes .......... 9·52 cub. centims. In 20 minutes ........... 1·63 cub. centims. In 2 hours 35 minutes .......... 16·53 ‾‾‾‾ cub. centims.


Author(s):  
Vladislava Igorevna Makeeva

This article describes the Ancient Greek mythological characters who were attributed with murdering children: Lamia (Λάμια), Mormo (μορμώ) and Gello (γελλώ).The ssuperstitions associated with these demons remain in Greece to this day, although their images have undergone certain transformation. The object of this research is the mythological representations of the Ancient Greeks, while the subject is demons who murdered children. The goal of this article is to determine the role of children's horror stories in life of the Ancient Greek society. The author reviews the facts testifying to the existence of characters as Lamia, Mormo, Gello and Empusa in the Greek and Roman texts, as well gives characteristics to their images based on the comparative analysis. The conducted analysis reveals the common traits of the demons who murdered children: frightening appearance, combination of human and animal traits, ability to transform, identification with Hecate, as well as the story of the failed motherhood underlying the history of emergence of the demon. The key functions of these mythological characters consisted in explanation of the sudden infant and maternal mortality typical to the ancient times, as well as teaching children and adults a lesson. The first could be frightened with such stories, and the latter had to learn from the tale that demonstrates the harm of reckless following the temptations or refusal of fulfilling the prescribed social roles, socially acceptable behavior.


Diachronica ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrico Campanile

SUMMARY Indo-Iranian poetic phraseology has been the subject of quite a number of contributions which have resulted in the identification of numerous formulas of poetic language. These results have effectively been facilitated by the fact that not only Vedic and Gathic culture, but also the lexicon of the texts are extremely conservative, so much so that their comparison permits the reconstruction of entire verbal strings which could be attributed with certainty to the common phase of Indo-Iranian. The present study attempts to show that, among these formulas, there are a great number which could be traced back to the poetic lexicon of Indo-European, and this to the extent where they are attested not only in Vedic and Avestan, but in other Indo-European languages as well. This presupposes that one considers at the same time the phenomena of lexical renewal and lexical variation which manifest themselves in the history of every language and even in Indo-European. All this means that the reconstruction of the poetic formulas of Indo-European should be based not on the identity of signifiers, but on that of the signifieds. RÉSUMÉ La phraséologie poétique de l'indo-iranien a fait l'objet de bien des contributions, qui ont abouti à l'identification de nombreuses formules du langage poétique; et cela a été objectivement facilité par le fait que non seulement la culture, mais aussi le lexique des textes védiques et gathiques sont extrêmement conservateurs, si bien que leur comparaison permet de reconstruire sans difficulté des séquences verbales que l'on peut attribuer avec certitude à la phase commune de l'indo-iranien. Notre étude se propose de montrer que, parmi ces formules, nombreuses sont celles qu'on peut faire remonter au lexique poétique de l'indo-européen, dans la mesure où elles sont attestées non seulement en védique et en avestique, mais aussi dans d'autres langues indo-européennes, pour peu que l'on prenne en compte les phénomènes de renouvellement lexical et de variation lexicale qui se sont manifestés dans l'histoire de chaque langue et même dans l'indo-européen. Cela signifie que la reconstruction des formules poétiques de l'indo-européen doit se fonder non pas sur l'identité des signifiants, mais sur celle des signifiés. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Indo-iranische poetische Phraseologie ist bisher schon Objekt vieler Bei-trage gewesen, die zur Identifikation einer groBen Anzahl von Formeln poeti-scher Sprache geführt haben. Diese Ergebnisse sind nicht zuletzt dadurch mög-lich geworden, daB nicht nur die vedische und gathische Kultur, sondern auch das Lexikon dieser Texte ziemlich konservativ sind, und zwar so sehr, daB deren Vergleich ohne Schwierigkeit die Rekonstruktion ganzer Verbalfolgen erlaubt, die mit Sicherheit der gemeinsamen indo-iranischen Phase zugeschrie-ben werden konnen. Die vorgelegte Arbeit versucht zu zeigen, daB unter diesen Formeln sich eine groBe Anzahl befindet, die auf das poetische Lexikon des Indo-Europaischen zurückgeführt werden können, und dies soweit sie nicht nur fur das Vedische und Avestische, sondern auch für andere indoeuropaische Sprachen attestiert sind. AU dies setzt freilich voraus, daß man ebenfalls Phä-nomene lexikalischer Erneuerung und lexikalischer Variation mitberücksichtigt, die sich in der Geschichte einer jeden Sprache manifestieren, sogar im Indo-Europäischen. All dies bedeutet, daß sich die Rekonstruktion poetischer Formeln des Indo-Europäischen nicht auf die Identität der Bezeichnenden, sondern der Bezeichneten stützen muß.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Ott

Museums, exhibitions, and public history have long engaged with the subject matter of disability. Shared social conventions and exhibition traditions about people with disabilities--the common stereotypes of people as persevering heroes or objects of pity--have often led to skewed and inaccurate historical presentations. The medical model of disability, equally strong in framing disability, has also reduced the range of possibilities for including content for the public. More recently, greater understanding of diversity and of the importance of interpreting the history of all people has begun to push inclusion beyond simple access issues and into content.


1848 ◽  
Vol 138 ◽  
pp. 147-158

In the summer of 1845, while studying at Giessen, in the laboratory of Professor von Liebig, I undertook, at the request of that distinguished chemist, the analysis of certain waxes which were the results of an experiment made by Herr Gundlach of Cassel, of feeding bees upon different kinds of sugar. It is not my intention to give those analyses here, and I mention them now only for the purpose of stating that it was this circumstance which first turned my attention to the inquiry of which I now offer the results to the Royal Society, and that it was in Professor von Liebig’s laboratory that this investigation was begun. Various chemists have before me undertaken a similar inquiry. The chemical history of a substance so abundant in nature and so useful to man as wax was always a curious question. Of late it has acquired a peculiar interest from our knowledge, derived from repeated experiments, that wax is formed in the organs of the bee, and that in the body of that insect that remarkable change of sugar into wax takes place, the knowledge of the true conditions of which would, we may hope, throw light upon the formation of fatty bodies, and on the way by which out of vegetable products the continual repair of the animal structure is effected. The first step to such a knowledge must be the accurate study of the chemical nature of those substances which are thus produced.


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