Kuczynski will face conflictive Congress in Peru

Significance His will be a government of competent centre-right technocrats, closely oriented towards business opinion. However, he lacks a majority in Congress which renders him beholden to the opposition Fuerza Popular (FP) party. A broad degree of continuity is likely in economic policy. Impacts The business community will remain broadly supportive of the new government. In the event of an executive-legislative clash, Kuczynski would seek to appeal to public opinion over the heads of political parties. The leftist Frente Amplio will maintain a critical distance. Political calculations will increasingly be conditioned by the 2021 presidential elections.

Significance Yet only five political parties are allowed to take part: the number of recognised political parties has been dramatically reduced following electoral changes in recent years that have benefitted President Patrice Talon’s ruling coalition. The forthcoming polls are crucial for the 2021 presidential elections, as candidates need endorsement from at least 16 mayors and MPs to be eligible to run. Impacts Talon’s reform project is unlikely to curb political participation along regional and ethnic lines over the medium term. Recent reforms give Talon a major comparative advantage for the 2021 presidential poll. Political polarisation will increase the country’s vulnerabilities to jihadist infiltration with the security forces stretched.


Subject Outlook for presidential elections in Guinea-Bissau. Significance Controversial outgoing President Jose Mario Vaz is among twelve candidates vying for the presidency on November 24. While the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)-backed elections are set to go ahead as planned, fears linger that they will not end recurring political turmoil. Impacts If Pereira wins, he will likely try drafting a new constitution to give greater clarity to the current ambiguous semi-presidential system. Ongoing political instability will exacerbate border insecurity and long-standing narco-trafficking. A more active, internationally backed civil society will ensure added scrutiny of political parties and the government over the long term.


Subject Nigerian economic platforms. Significance The two main political parties in the 2019 presidential elections have released their campaign manifestos, both focused on similar themes of economic development and jobs creation. The governing All Progressives Congress (APC) envisages an expanded role for government in driving the economy while the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has outlined a private sector-led framework. Neither approach is likely to achieve their vast promises. Impacts The exchange rate is unlikely to be fully liberalised regardless of who triumphs. International investors have largely written off the chances of a full economic recovery if Buhari wins a second term. Abubakar's previous political flip-flops could sow doubts over his commitment to market-based reforms. A strong performance by technocratic candidates could signal growing voter appetite for change beyond the established parties.


Significance As part of the deal, he revealed details of corruption networks going back years. The fallout of the scandal and Saca's revelations will impact heavily on El Salvador’s political parties in the run-up to February’s presidential elections. Impacts February’s elections are likely to be contentious and marred by protests that could turn violent. Any further corruption revelations between now and the February elections may sway undecided voters. The Saca verdict may prompt increased efforts to secure the extradition of former President Mauricio Funes from Nicaragua.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongsuk Yun ◽  
Hongmin Chun

Purpose This paper aims to examine the association between economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and audit effort by focusing on audit hours. This paper also explores whether significant political uncertainty might amplify the positive association between EPU and audit effort by focusing on Korea. Design/methodology/approach This study uses 21,543 Korean firm-year observations from 2005 to 2018 in an audit hour determinant model, as well as EPU following Baker et al. (2016) and audit hour to proxy audit effort. Findings EPU is positively associated with audit hours, indicating that auditors work more audit hours in response to firms’ high EPU resulting from higher earnings manipulation risk. Further, whether this positive association between EPU and audit effort might be altered by significant political uncertainty is investigated using a presidential election dummy. The empirical results show that auditors work additional audit hours during fiscal years in which presidential elections occur, given high EPU. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper might be the first empirical attempt to use audit hour data with EPU to provide practical implications to academia or auditors.


Significance The deadline also revealed party lists for congressional seats -- and that President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner will not be a candidate for public office once her term expires in December. Rather, she will aim to ensure that loyalists gain a strong presence in Congress -- and the executive -- through which she can exercise behind-the-scenes influence. Impacts Neither Scioli nor Macri has been specific on economic policy, despite much speculation as to their intentions. The diffusion of the opposition vote favours Scioli, although some of it would shift to Macri in the event of a second round. Despite some weariness with the current administration, public opinion favours continuity in many social policies.


Slavic Review ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 698-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Mason ◽  
Svetlana Sidorenko-Stephenson

Between 1991 and 1996 Russia underwent a precipitous economic and social decline with decreases in production, gross national product, and wages, and increases in inequality, crime, and corruption. Most people experienced a decline in their standard of living, and many fondly recalled the security and stability of the communist era. Nevertheless, in the two main cases when the Russian electorate was confronted with a choice of directions in economic policy–the referendum of 1993 and the presidential elections of 1996–the majority chose reform. Writing about Boris Yeltsin's surprising victory in the 1996 presidential elections, a Pravda commentator mused: “Logically, he should have lost, since he was unable to fully solve any of the problems that have piled up: the stagnation of production, the impoverishment of a majority of the people, growing unemployment, the chronic nonpayment of wages, the decline in science, culture and education, the continuing conflict in Chechnya, etc. Nevertheless, Yeltsin received a majority of the electorate's votes.”


Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies

The chapter summarizes the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, identifying three arguments from comparative welfare state and party research likely to be relevant to the relationship between immigration and welfare state retrenchment: public opinion, welfare institutions, and political parties. Alignment of anti-immigrant sentiments and welfare support varies considerably between countries, especially between the US and Europe, leading to different party incentives vis-à-vis welfare state retrenchment. The chapter introduces insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the debate, discussing inter alia, political parties in terms of welfare retrenchment, immigrants as a voter group, and cross-national variation of existing welfare institutions. It addresses the complex debates around attitudinal change caused by immigration, levels of welfare support, voting behavior, and social expenditures. Combining these strands of literature, a common theoretical framework is developed that is subsequently applied to both the US and Western European context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (5) ◽  
pp. 1082-1099 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Marcella ◽  
Graeme Baxter ◽  
Agnieszka Walicka

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present the results of a study that explored human behaviour in response to political “facts” presented online by political parties in Scotland. Design/methodology/approach The study consisted of interactive online interviews with 23 citizens in North-East Scotland, in the run-up to the 2017 UK General Election. Findings Participants demonstrated cognitive and critical responses to facts but little affective reaction. They judged facts swiftly and largely intuitively, providing evidence that facts are frequently consumed, accepted or rejected without further verification processes. Users demonstrated varying levels of engagement with the information they consume, and subject knowledge may influence the extent to which respondents trust facts, in previously unanticipated ways. Users tended to notice facts with which they disagreed and, in terms of prominence, particularly noted and responded to facts which painted extremely negative or positive pictures. Most acknowledged limitations in capacity to interrogate facts, but some were delusionally confident. Originality/value Relatively little empirical research has been conducted exploring the perceived credibility of political or government information online. It is believed that this and a companion study are the first to have specifically investigated the Scottish political arena. This paper presents a new, exploratory fact interrogation model, alongside an expanded information quality awareness model.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384
Author(s):  
Chung Fun Steven Hung

Purpose After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong and the sovereignty was transferred from Britain to China, politicization inevitably followed democratization. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the pro-democratic political parties’ politics in Hong Kong in recent history. Design/methodology/approach The research was conducted through a historical comparative analysis, within the context of Hong Kong after the sovereignty handover and the interim period of crucial democratization. Findings With the implementation of “One country, Two systems,” political democratization was hindered in Hong Kong’s transformation. The democratic forces have no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which has caused a decisive and ineluctable fragmentation of the local political parties. Originality/value This paper explores and evaluates the political history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under “One country, Two systems” and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation.


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