Local fiefdoms will undermine Syrian service provision

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Service Provision ◽  
International Aid ◽  
The State ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Extremist Groups ◽  
The Government

Significance Syria’s civil war is fought not just with bombs and bullets, but with salaries and services. The government has been able to win this aspect of the war by denying services to targeted opposition-held areas, and depopulating districts by constraining residents’ access to basic necessities such as food, water, fuel and electricity. Impacts The Syrian state will be deeply fragmented for the foreseeable future. Rival local fiefdoms will complicate efforts to direct international aid funds for reconstruction. Islamic extremist groups will find ‘havens’ to wage a long-lasting insurgency against the state, despite reduced access to funds.

Florida voters react to Biden's Caribbean policy

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Disaster Relief ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Pivotal Role ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Family Connections ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Government

Significance Many areas of the Caribbean have trade, investment and family connections with communities in Florida. As the state now plays a pivotal role in US electoral politics, crises in the region can take on added political importance for parts of Florida’s electorate. Impacts Forecasts of short-term economic recovery for Florida remain highly uncertain given the continuing impact of the pandemic. Clashing interests across the Caribbean may demand greater coordination of US policy than the government can currently offer. Healthcare and disaster relief capabilities within the state are severely overstretched and could be overwhelmed by a new crisis.

Sources of the recognition of belligerent status

1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (192) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Zorgbibe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Equal Status ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Unilateral Action ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Whenever a large organized group believes it has the right to resist the sovereign power and considers itself capable of resorting to arms, war between the two parties should take place in the same manner as between nations…” This statement by de Vattel in the 19th century seemed destined to take its place as a part of positive law, constituting part of what was known as recognition of belligerency, tantamount to the recognition by the established government of an equal status for insurgents and regular belligerents. When a civil war became extensive enough, the State attacked would understand that it was wisest to acknowledge the existence of a state of war with part of the population. This would, at the same time, allow the conflict to be seen in a truer light. The unilateral action of the legal government in recognizing belligerency would be the condition for granting belligerent rights to the parties. It would constitute a demonstration of humanity on the part of the government of the State attacked and would also provide that government with prospects for effective pursuit of the war. By admitting that it was forced to resort to war, it would at least have its hands free to make war seriously.

Representative and responsive bureaucracy in Nepal: a mismatch or a realistic assumption?

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-156
Author(s):  
Ishtiaq Jamil ◽  
Hasan Muhammad Baniamin
Keyword(s):  
Service Provision ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Representative Bureaucracy ◽  
Ethnic Communities ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Realistic Assumption ◽  
The Government ◽  
Factual Data

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate, firstly, to what extent has Nepal’s bureaucracy become representative in terms of reflecting the country’s demographic composition, and secondly, has the bureaucracy become more responsive to citizens since the implementation of a quota policy in 2007.Design/methodology/approachThis paper relies on factual and perceptual data in analysis. In order to analyze and interpret representative bureaucracy, this paper adopts factual data derived from the secondary sources, especially data generated by the Government of Nepal. Second, the perceptual set of data was collected through two rounds (2008, 2014) of a country-representative survey in Nepal.FindingsThe findings suggest that in terms of representativeness, the bureaucracy is still dominated by high-caste Hindus, while other ethnic communities, except the Newars, are utterly under-represented. Surprisingly, Dalits are represented in higher posts as per their percentage in the population, but they are still underrepresented in the civil service in general. Women’s representation has also increased through participation in the civil service, but they still mostly hold junior or non-gazetted posts. Citizens’ evaluations regarding responsiveness and processes of service provision are also mixed.Originality/valueThis paper is a unique attempt to understand the aspects of representativeness and responsiveness in relation to Nepalese Civil Service.

Combating corruption in Pakistan

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feisal Khan
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Current State ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Government ◽  
Systemic Corruption ◽  
Institutional Capabilities

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current state of corruption in Pakistan and evaluate attempts by the government to combat its entrenched corruption culture. Design/methodology/approach – The paper shows that Pakistan’s legacy of British colonial rule, its ethno-linguistic conflict and alternating civilian governments and military coups have weakened institutional capabilities, hindered capacity building and allowed systemic corruption to flourish there. Pakistan’s many anti-corruption efforts failed because they were used to attack political foes instead of strengthening institutional capabilities. Findings – Pakistan has maintained its highly authoritarian form of governance inherited from the British in 1947. The ruling elite view the state as a milch cow for their personal enrichment and this attitude is also reflected in the performance of its bureaucracy. Existing rules of conduct and administration are not enforced as citizens encounter corruption in their dealings with officials. At the policy level, key decisions are often made to benefit the decision makers. The paper concludes that without political will no significant improvement in the state of corruption in Pakistan is likely to occur. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in corruption in Pakistan and whether the apparent institutionalization of parliamentary democracy has reduced corruption there.

The Khāliṣah of Varamin

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansoureh Ettehadieh Nezam-Mafi
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Land Tenure ◽  
General Pattern ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
Climatic Conditions ◽  
The State ◽  
Regional Variations ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Government

The history and development of land tenure in Iran have been affected by many factors, including climatic conditions, scarcity of water, lack of security, widespread tribalism, and legal and administrative confusion. In addition to limitations in resources, political instability in the premodern period molded systems of land tenure in Iran. Changes of dynasty were frequent and usually followed by the confiscation and redistribution of land. The Qajar dynasty (1788–1925), which came to power after a long period of anarchy and civil war, continued that general pattern. There were three classes of land ownership in Iran in this period: waqfs (religious endowments), arbābī (land owned by large landlords), and khāliṣah (state-owned lands). This last category was composed of lands confiscated by the government as punishment for rebellion or failure to pay taxes. As land was often the only form of wealth landlords had, the threat of government confiscation was an instrument of control as well as a source of revenue for the state. The khāliṣah were usually rented out on long-term leases or were granted as ṭuyul, that is in lieu of services rendered or salaries deferred. The khāliṣah were also in some instances farmed directly by the government. These lands were cultivated by peasants under conditions similar to those of the arbābī lands. They were scattered throughout the country and were also subject to various local and regional variations in agricultural taxes.

Economic demise set to continue, but farming is a hope

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
International Aid ◽  
Local Economy ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
External Demand ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Turmoil

Significance The hryvnia crisis, which has seen the currency's value plummet, has deepened. However, as reported by Reuters, the NBU decision was suddenly reversed following heavy criticism from Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, who said the move was bad for the economy. Overall, Ukraine's economy continues to be weak and vulnerable to shocks. The local economy had already been struggling for most of 2012-13, owing largely to weak external demand and deteriorating trade relations with Russia. However, the political turmoil that the country found itself in soon after the February 2014 change of power exacerbated these troubles significantly. Impacts Continued economic decline will prompt the government to take new unpopular belt-tightening measures in order to get international aid. Rapid economic reforms increase the risk of mass social discontent with far-reaching political implications. Should key merchandise exports fall further, producers could face an effective loss of their main markets.

Haftar will obstruct political solution in Libya

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Main Obstacle ◽  
East And West ◽  
The Government

Significance The fate of the deeply divisive General Khalifa Haftar is a key -- if not main -- obstacle to the HoR approving the GNA, a step which is essential to efforts to finding a sustainable solution to Libya's almost two-year-old civil war. Impacts Several army commanders in east and west Libya distrust Haftar and will not take orders from him. If he keeps his position, this will hinder efforts to unify Libya's divided armed factions against Islamic State. If he stays in Libya, Haftar would likely continue to challenge the government, even if the GNA is approved.

New Angolan oil investments could prove elusive

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Investment Decisions ◽  
The State ◽  
Management Team ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
Ruling Party

Significance As Angola struggles to cope with its deepest financial crisis since the end of the civil war in 2002, Sonangol profits have fallen dramatically from 2.4 billion dollars in 2009 to 276 million dollars in 2015. The company's new management team, led by Isabel dos Santos, daughter of long-serving President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, is overseeing a necessary shake-up of the traditionally opaque parastatal. Impacts A probe by US regulators into a 350-million-dollar payment made by BP and Cobalt to Sonangol could implicate ruling party officials. Isabel dos Santos will face renewed pressure to sell shares or controlling interests in corporate entities linked to the state. New investment decisions could largely depend on ongoing negotiations with international oil companies (IOCs) over tax terms.

Mongolia mine move raises nationalisation fears

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Mining Company ◽  
Foreign Investors ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Main Obstacle ◽  
The Government

Subject The sale of the Erdenet mine. Significance The day before parliamentary elections in June last year, Prime Minister Saikhanbileg Chimed announced the sale of 49% of shares held by the Russian government in the Erdenet Mining Corporation and the Mongolrostsvetmet mining company to Mongolia Copper Corporation, an unknown private Mongolian company. Subsequent parliamentary inquiry concluded that the sale was unconstitutional and the government ordered the shares transferred to the state on February 16 this year. The government’s actions received wide public support while polls reveal that the electorate views corruption as the main obstacle to Mongolia’s development Impacts Talk of 'nationalisation' in the Western media threatens to derail Mongolia's efforts to fix its image and attract foreign investors. The unusual circumstances of the sale raise suspicions of corruption and collusion between Mongolia's previous government and largest bank. The new government's will to scrutinise sale demonstrates the strength of Mongolia’s democracy.

‘Jihadi pill’ will spread beyond the Middle East

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Ethnic Tensions ◽  
Migration Flows

Subject The expansion of Captagon. Significance The seven years of civil war in Syria have seen the production and smuggling of the amphetamine Captagon in that country rise substantially. Concern is growing that migration flows and increasingly easy availability will make the drug -- already popular across the Middle East -- fashionable in Europe and potentially beyond. Impacts The manufacture of Captagon could help perpetuate Syria’s war, supporting insurgent operations and corrupting the state. The shift of production from Lebanon to Syria will encourage larger-scale operations, boosting global supply. The spread of Captagon use in areas of heavy migration in Europe may exacerbate ethnic tensions.

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