Securitised Middle East COVID-19 responses raise risks

Significance The pandemic has compounded existing economic and political crises in Beirut and Baghdad, with the securitisation of the response straining military and state legitimacy. Conversely, despite some privacy concerns, stringent measures in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) were broadly welcomed in a context of strong state control and ample healthcare provision. Impacts Years of under-investment in public health in some countries mean medical shortages may drive new anti-government demonstrations. Where security forces are mistrusted, their involvement in the pandemic response could undermine health outcomes. COVID-19 might draw global attention away from the Middle East, changing local security and defence configurations.

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-428
Author(s):  
Effrosyni Georgiadou ◽  
Catherine Nickerson

PurposeCommunicating CSR through corporate websites is one of the most effective ways for organizations to inform and engage stakeholders, earn legitimacy and reap the intangible and tangible benefits of practicing CSR. However, in emerging economies in the Middle East, online CSR disclosure remains limited while corporate websites are not used effectively as strategic tools. This study explores online CSR communication (CSRC) by banks in the dynamic, emerging economy of the United Arab Emirates.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses an adaptation of the analytical framework used by Chaudhri and Wang (2007) to examine the prominence and extent of the CSR information on the corporate websites of domestic and global banks in the UAE. It further compares domestic and global banks' CSRC patterns as well as domestic/government-owned versus private banks and conventional versus Islamic banks.FindingsAbout 70% of the domestic banks in the UAE provide information about their CSR activities. CSR information is moderately to highly prominent for the majority of the domestic banks, but the extent of the information presented is minimal (1–2 pages). Domestic/government-owned and conventional banks communicate their CSR more prominently and extensively than private and Islamic banks. Domestic/government-owned banks tend to follow the CSRC patterns observed in global banks.Originality/valueDespite the increasingly important role of the United Arab Emirates within the Middle East as well as on the global business arena, very little is known about whether and how companies in the country approach CSR. This is the first study focusing on CSRC within the entirety of a single business sector within the United Arab Emirates.


Significance Tribe-state relations have experienced various levels of tension and cooperation in the monarchies of the Middle East and North Africa: Jordan, Morocco, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Throughout the region, there is much discussion of a claimed tribal resurgence. In reality, however, tribes have always had a significant political role, co-existing with the modern nation-state. Impacts Potential electoral reforms to de-emphasise traditional tribal boundaries or legalise political parties could disempower tribes. Slow and cumbersome bureaucracies will encourage people to trade on tribal affiliations in order to circumvent procedures. Where central governments become weaker, especially in cases of civil conflict, tribes may step in to fill the political power vacuum.


Significance The FNDC, comprising the main opposition parties and civil society groups, claims that Conde favours a new constiitution to get around the two-term limit that would oblige him to step down this year. They have vowed to intensify demonstrations until the proposal is abandoned. The worsening unrest is prompting growing disquiet regionally and among the country’s international partners. Impacts Rising political instability, coupled with increased public-sector unrest, will hinder economic growth this year. Concerns will grow over potential military upheaval given the security forces’ history of intervening during political crises. The bulk of unrest will likely be centred on suburbs of the capital Conakry and towns with strong opposition support.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Melodena Stephens Balakrishnan

Subject area Entrepreneurship and strategy. Study level/applicability Undergraduate and graduates. Case overview This is a case that can be used to teach advanced undergraduate classes or lower-level master's level classes in the areas of strategy, leadership and entrepreneurship. The case will appeal to SMEs, policymakers in the area of entrepreneurship funding, incubators and other funding firms associated with entrepreneurs. Expected learning outcomes As the case is specific to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – it can be used to study UAE or the Middle East North Africa region. Ideally, students should be encouraged to read up on the region/country prior to studies. They should also understand the need and state of entrepreneurship in the region. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email [email protected] to request teaching notes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 310-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuti Saxena

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to do provide an overview of open government data (OGD) frameworks in six Middle East countries (Cyprus, Turkey, Egypt, Iran, Lebanon and Jordan) and to underscore the barriers in using the open data sets.Design/methodology/approachOGD framework offered by Sieber and Johnson (2015) is deployed for the present purpose. Primarily, documentary analysis is being used for substantiating the study and the national portals of the six countries are investigated.FindingsIn line with the frameworks chosen for this study, OGD initiatives across the six Middle East countries are at an emerging phase. All the six countries qualify for the “data over the wall” model as advanced by Sieber and Johnson (2015), wherein there are basic provisions of “data aggregation.” Furthermore, the data are incomplete and outdated, which serve as barriers in using these data sets for analysis and interpretation. Therefore, there are a number of barriers in using the open data sets. However, there are many prospects for using these data sets which would improve public accountability and transparency in the long run.Practical implicationsBesides helping in improved decision-making, the governments may be in a better position to appreciate the relevance of adopting a robust OGD initiative in facilitating the economic growth of their country.Social implicationsThis study is relevant for ensuring that citizen engagement is promoted and there is co-creation of public value.Originality/valueHitherto, OGD has been investigated in the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries (Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) but the other countries in Middle East have not been investigated. This study selects six countries outside the GCC ambit and investigates the nature and scope of OGD initiatives in each of them apart from underlining the barriers in using the open data sets.


Subject Arab youth opinion. Significance Arab youth views Islamic State group (ISG), terrorism and unemployment as the top obstacles facing the Middle East today, according to a new survey released on April 12 by a United Arab Emirates (UAE)-based PR firm, ASDA'A Burson-Marsteller. With the failure of regional governments to meet the aspirations of the region's large youth population contributing to the 2011 uprisings, the attitudes of today's youth expressed in the survey will shape the outlook for stabilisation, security and economic reform. Impacts Reconciliation between Riyadh and Tehran will be a fundamental first step to the region's stabilisation. Concerns about unemployment and falling living standards will drive social unrest and recruitment to militant organisations. Strong anti-US opinion will complicate Washington's engagement in Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen.


Subject The role and influence of Egypt's security services. Significance After the 2011 revolution, the security forces found themselves marginalised, losing their political sway, largely to the benefit of the military. The army’s decision-making and economic pre-eminence has moved from strength to strength, illustrated by last month’s constitutional amendments. The security services have, however, reprised many of their previous deployments and remain vital to ensuring tight state control. Impacts The political architecture and balance of power within the state are unlikely to shift in the medium term. Civil disobedience or any type of mobilisation will receive a harsh response. Ever more repressive tactics will heighten citizens’ sense of indignity. Without help from the military, the police would still be overwhelmed by a recurrence of protests on the scale of 2011.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachid Zeffane

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationships between individualism/collectivism (as personal traits) and individuals’ potential to become an entrepreneur. Design/methodology/approach – The study draws on a sample of 503 students enrolled in business courses at a university in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It focusses on the concept of Entrepreneurial Potential (EP) as a measure of “desirability and inclination” to start a business. The paper tests the hypothesis that the concepts of individualism and collectivism are not necessarily polar ends of the same continuum and examine their impacts on EP, controlling for age and gender as main demographic characteristics. Four main hypotheses are explored. Findings – Statistical analysis confirms the two main hypotheses. They reveal that: first, concomitant with the dominant collectivist values at national level, potential future entrepreneurs evolving in the Middle East/Gulf region endorse personal traits of a predominantly collectivist nature; second, contrary to popular assumptions individualism does not have a strong impact on youth EP. In the context of this study, the impact of collectivism on EP is most significant. The paper also found that gender had no significant impact on EP Research limitations/implications – The use of personality traits alone, as a basis for understanding predictors of EP may not be sufficient. A number of contextual variables (such the socio-cultural and economic context) may also have a strong influence. Unfortunately, it is not possible to test for these effects with the data available in this study. Future research may consider these. Practical implications – Despite its limited scope (limited sample-size and target population), the findings of this study are useful to both practitioners and policy makers. Management practitioners interested in entrepreneurial behaviors need to take stock of the fact that future entrepreneurs can (and perhaps should be able to) blend their competitive entrepreneurial drive with the spirit of collectivism. This is particularly relevant in selection processes using personality tests for the purpose of extracting the most likely candidates for entrepreneurial ventures involving youth. Originality/value – The findings of this study do not support the general assumption that individualism and entrepreneurship ties necessarily go hand in hand. They clearly indicate that collectivism has more explanatory power in this regard, though this may be contextual. These findings may be explained by the context of the study (UAE/Middle East). The overwhelming majority of the respondents are from the Middle East and gulf region, where collectivist aspirations are predominant. Yet, the economies of countries in those regions are fuelled by an increasing number of advanced and quite daring entrepreneurial projects, as exemplified by the modernist business ventures in Dubai, Qatar, and Abu Dhabi.


Significance Islamist movements saw rapid political successes in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab uprisings, but this was followed by the brutal repression of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood from July 2013. The movement has now been formally banned in Egypt (since December 2013), Saudi Arabia (since March 2014), and the United Arab Emirates (since November 2014). However, Islamists elsewhere are proving to be highly adaptable. Impacts The fall of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood is still pushing Islamist movements in the region to act cautiously and pragmatically. Behind the scenes, Islamist leaders are divided as they try to revise their ideologies to accommodate the new post-2011 politics. Despite widespread challenges, Islamists are likely to remain important political actors across the region for years to come.


Subject Mapping the Muslim Brotherhood. Significance Doha’s support, whether tacit or active, for Islamist groups in the Middle East, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood, alienated it from some Arab neighbours. The recent boycott by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Egypt is party driven by their own problems with local Brotherhood affiliates that were linked to the broader political reform movement during the 2011 Arab uprisings. Impacts Brotherhood affiliates will be significant military players in conflict-torn Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen. In parliamentary systems, cooperation with secular opposition will be increasingly important to countering international terrorism charges. The Muslim Brotherhood’s transnational links will become more personal and less institutional.


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