New deal breathes life into Somalia’s election process

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Seasonal Flooding ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Political Consensus ◽  
Democratic Vote ◽  
Regional Authorities

Significance The deal opens a consensual path to elections after the parties agreed on steps to address disputes that have delayed polls since last December. Impacts Regional authorities will need to ramp up preparations to address the challenges posed by al-Shabaab, COVID-19 and seasonal flooding. Divisive polls will make the search for the political consensus to address key state-building tasks in the post-poll period challenging. Somaliland leaders will use the comparison with their just-concluded peaceful, democratic vote to push their independence claims.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Nina Silber
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
New Deal ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Central Objective ◽  
Familial Influences ◽  
The New Deal

This introduction lays out the book’s central objective: to explore why Americans returned to the Civil War throughout the New Deal years. The Civil War offered a prism for exploring the emotional upheaval people experienced in light of the Depression; the political debates that swirled around the state-building initiatives of the New Deal; and struggles over race and civil rights. Also explored here is the evolution of this book, including personal and familial influences on the author.

The co-evolution of cosmopolitan and national statehood – Preliminary theoretical considerations on the historical evolution of constitutionalism

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hauke Brunkhorst
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
World Order ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
Subjective Rights ◽  
Universal Order ◽  
Theoretical Considerations

The article claims that we should not just look towards a utopian future in fulfilling a claim about realization of a cosmopolitan, non-national world order. Already during antiquity the idea of a transcendent universal order took on a differentiated form at the same time as there happened to be institutionalization. Since the legal revolution of the long 12th century, this duality has been constitutional and has had a hierarchical structure. However, not only was the invention legal, it was also organizational; hence, the modern political, legal and organizational powers emerged long before the more celebrated state-building processes of the 16th and 17th centuries. The point is that the order was both political and cosmopolitan, institutional and universal. The nation-state was an exception compared with this long and widespread legacy of cosmopolitan power. But the universality of subjective rights was re-institutionalized according to principles that excluded inequalities. This was set in motion even before the UN Charter, not just with the ideas of 1789 but also institutionalized in Roosevelt’s New Deal together with the social and political rights that were institutionalized specifically as a consequence of the World Wars and the political claims that followed.

Generational differences and implicit leadership schemas in the Philippine workforce

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen C. Salvosa ◽  
Maria Regina M. Hechanova
Keyword(s):  
Generational Differences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Generational Cohort ◽  
Implicit Leadership ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Diverse Workforce ◽  
Technology Generation ◽  
Generation Cohorts ◽  
Cohort Theory ◽  
Survey Responses

PurposeThis study examined generational differences in traits and desired schemas of leaders among Filipino workers using the lens of the generational cohort theory.Design/methodology/approachThis study utilized a sequential exploratory mixed-method approach. Phase One of the study utilized a qualitative approach in eliciting perceived characteristics and leadership schemas. Phase Two utilized a quantitative approach utilizing a survey to test generational differences.FindingsCluster analysis of survey responses of 341 Filipino workers showed two generation cohorts – the political and technological generation. Respondents from the political generation characterized themselves as being work-centered, family-oriented, traditional, seasoned, decisive and multi-tasking. The political generation also believes that an ideal leader is someone who cares about people's welfare, delegates, and is able to control others. On the other hand, the technology generation described themselves as being tech-savvy, carefree, laid-back, proud, individualistic, self-centered, arrogant, energetic and adventurous. The technological generation views an ideal leader as someone who is responsible, provides clear instructions, listens, and recognizes people.Research limitations/implicationsThe study focuses on Filipino workers and more studies in other countries are needed to establish generational differences in schemas.Practical implicationsThe results have implications on the way that leaders are selected and developed especially in an increasingly diverse workforce.Social implicationsThe results highlight the role of political, sociocultural events and technological trends that shape the traits and schemas of workers.Originality/valueThe study contributes to both generational studies as well as implicit leadership literature. The study highlights the value of examining the intersection of both culture and generation in the context of leadership.

Second and Third Sessions of the Seventy-fifth Congress, 1937–38

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 1099-1123
Author(s):  
O. R. Altman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entire Country

The election returns of November, 1936, seemed to portray a democracy strongly united behind a leader and a program of action. It appeared that Franklin D. Roosevelt and his New Deal platform had been endorsed by nearly every interest and section in the United States, and an overwhelmingly Democratic Congress selected to enact into law those principles for which he “had just begun to fight.” Within six months, however, that unity started to disintegrate. Congress began to dissect carefully the program which the President proclaimed to be both beneficial for the entire country and politically prudent for the political party which he headed.

E‐voting: from apathy to adoption

2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 586-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Christian Schaupp ◽  
Lemuria Carter
Keyword(s):  
Technology Acceptance ◽  
Diffusion Of Innovation ◽  
Intention To Use ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
User Perceptions ◽  
Future Studies ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Voting System ◽  
Electronic Voting System

PurposeTo identify the factors that influence adoption of e‐voting services by citizens between the ages of 18‐24.Design/methodology/approachThis study uses Carter and Belanger's (2005) model of e‐government adoption to assess young voters' intention to use an online voting system. The study integrates constructs from technology acceptance, diffusion of innovation, and web trust models. A survey is administered to 208 young voters. The data is analyzed using multiple regression analysis.FindingsResults indicate that user perceptions of compatibility, usefulness, and trust significantly impact their intention to use an electronic‐voting system. The model explains 76 percent of the variance in young voters' intention to use an e‐voting system.Research limitations/implicationsThe study only explores the perceptions of one age group. Future studies could use the model to access adoption perceptions of a more diverse pool of citizens.Practical implicationsGovernment agencies should emphasize the benefits of this electronic service to young voters. If marketed properly, the convenience and compatibility of e‐voting may be influential enough to motivate this normally apathetic demographic to participate in the election process.Originality/valueThis study explores adoption of internet voting by young citizens. An understanding of the factors that influence this demographics' intention to use e‐voting systems can be used to increase voter participation. The findings of this study also lay the foundation for future studies on e‐voting adoption.

Behind closed doors! Homosocial desire and the academic boys club

2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Fisher ◽  
Sue Kinsey
Keyword(s):  
Design Methodology ◽  
Field Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
Detailed Data ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Feminist Poststructuralist ◽  
Homosocial Desire ◽  
Men And Masculinities ◽  
Practical Implications

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to explore the nature and power of the academic boys club. In many organisations, the political significance of the boys club goes largely unremarked and unacknowledged. Yet, the way that male colleagues intimately relate to each other, sometimes called homosocial desire, is crucial to their success at gaining and retaining power at work. Design/methodology/approach – Feminist, poststructuralist, ethnographic, qualitative, and longitudinal data were collected over a five-year period from male and female academics in a British university. Findings – The boys club is still a powerful feature of British universities. Their apparent invisibility shrouds the manner in which they can and do promote and maintain male interests in a myriad of ways, including selection and promotion. These findings have resonances for all organisations. Research limitations/implications – Researching the intimacies between male colleagues requires time-intensive field work and insider access to men interacting with each other. Practical implications – Meaningful gender equality will not be achieved unless and until the more sophisticated forms of female exclusion are revealed and deconstructed. Originality/value – This research makes an unusual and crucial contribution to the study of gender, men and masculinities by providing longitudinal, rich, detailed data, observing men at the closest of quarters and then analysed by a feminist and poststructuralist gaze.

scholarly journals Morality, Coercion and State Building by Campaign in the Early PRC: Regime Consolidation and After, 1949–1956

2006 ◽  
Vol 188 ◽  
pp. 891-912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Strauss
Keyword(s):  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Golden Age ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
The Past

The early to mid-1950s are conventionally viewed as a time when China broke sharply with the past and experienced a “golden age” of successful policy implementation and widespread support from the population. This article shows that the period should be seen as neither “golden age” nor precursor for disaster. Rather it should be seen as a period when the Chinese Communist Party's key mechanisms of state reintegration and instruction of the population – the political campaign and “stirring up” via public accusation sessions – were widely disseminated throughout China, with variable results. The campaigns for land reform and the suppression of counter-revolutionaries show that levels of coercion and violence were extremely high in the early 1950s, and the campaign to clean out revolutionaries in 1955 and after suggests some of the limits of mobilizational campaigns.

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