The EU–Japan Strategic Partnership Agreement: A Tool to Tackle the COVID-19 Crisis and Other Global Issues?

2021 ◽  
pp. 237-249
Author(s):  
Patrik Ström ◽  
Marie Söderberg ◽  
Åsa Malmström-Rognes
2016 ◽  
pp. 153-174
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk

It is argued that the US-European relations, regardless of the position of the US as a single global state, are based on the principles of interdependence. Conflicts that arise on specific issues are not of strategic and decisive character. They cannot provoke fundamental conflict, primarily because of similar values and targets in the conduct of foreign policy. Changing the status of the EU “traditional ally” into the status of “essential partner” is caused by the need to clearly define European interests in transatlantic cooperation. Relations between the EU and the US are based on protecting the interests and priorities of each party, in addition to the policy of compromise. Now the format of transatlantic cooperation is multilateral, negotiation basis of US foreign practices is combined with cooperation with the EU, confirming the practical transition of Washington to renovation of collective action. Filling the US-European relations with “global context” changes transatlantic partnership both in content and in form. The US and EU continue to be among the leaders in world politics that get additional opportunities for development and implementation of a common position on many global issues thanks to strategic partnership.


Author(s):  
S. Tolstov

The African continent has traditionally been considered as Europe’s ‘backyard’. The Africa – EU partnership framework was established at the Africa – EU Summit in Cairo in 2000. In 2005 the European Commission issued a renovated EU Strategy for Africa aimed to establish a Euro-African pact to accelerate Africa’s development. Since then a considerable change has taken place on both continents, which challenge the way Africa and Europe perceive each other. On 29th June 2016 the African Union Commission and the EU signed the third phase of the African Union Support Programme. The goals of the EU – AU strategic partnership relations envisage a wide range of priorities in different areas including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, joint management and joint responsibility, security cooperation, regulation of migrations, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU – AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However the actual results of interaction in such priority areas as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. Thus the European political experts often speculate on the ineffectiveness of the EU’s concept of normative power and external governance attempts in relation to the African states.


Author(s):  
Christian Wagner

India has long-standing relations with Western Europe. The Strategic Partnership Agreement of 2004 with the European Union and similar agreements with individual European states form the institutional basis for economic, political, military, technological, and cultural cooperation with India. But despite common interests in many areas, the strategic perspectives remain limited because of structural constraints in India and Western Europe. Even after the Treaty of Lisbon, the foreign policy of the EU will be shared between Brussels and the member states. India’s foreign policy is handled mostly by the under-staffed Ministry of External Affairs. This is far from being adequate to cope with the requirements of an interdependent global system and India’s own aspirations to play a more important role. Hence, only if both sides understand the structural constraints and limitations of the other, will the partnership flourish on a more realistic basis.


Author(s):  
S. Tolstov

The African continent has traditionally been considered as Europe’s ‘backyard’. The Africa – EU partnership framework was established at the Africa – EU Summit in Cairo in 2000. In 2005 the European Commission issued a renovated EU Strategy for Africa aimed to establish a Euro-African pact to accelerate Africa’s development. Since then a considerable change has taken place on both continents, which challenge the way Africa and Europe perceive each other. On 29th June 2016 the African Union Commission and the EU signed the third phase of the African Union Support Programme. The goals of the EU – AU strategic partnership relations envisage a wide range of priorities in different areas including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, joint management and joint responsibility, security cooperation, regulation of migrations, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU – AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However the actual results of interaction in such priority areas as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. Thus the European political experts often speculate on the ineffectiveness of the EU’s concept of normative power and external governance attempts in relation to the African states.


Author(s):  
Amy Verdun

Signed in 1976, the EU-Canada relationship was the first bilateral agreement that the EU signed with an industrialised third country. Modest strengthening of the ties was achieved with the 2004 EU-Canada Partnership Agenda. A fully-fledged free trade agreement was in the works at this time, but suspended in 2006. The EU-Canada strategic partnership agreement (SPA) and the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA) did not materialise until more than a decade later, in 2016. This paper focuses in particular on the strategic partnership dimension. It explores why an SPA was possible in 2016, but not before. To answer this question, the paper looks at four time periods. In so doing it explores the origins of the EU-Canada agreement, how the EU-Canada relationship changed over time, and examines how a more profound strategic partnership came about when it did. In its analysis it considers institutional, domestic and geopolitical factors. It briefly speculates about the possible future of this partnership.


Author(s):  
Hitoshi Suzuki ◽  
Yu Suzuki ◽  
Yoshimi Igawa

Japan and the European Union have historically developed relations, from trade conflicts to mutual cooperation between global actors. Japan’s prewar attitude and postwar rapid reconstruction caused misunderstandings and frictions, but these were gradually overcome thanks to the efforts made by Japan, the European Commission and member state governments. After the Cold War ended, policy fields of cooperation expanded from “mutual” market liberalization to foreign direct investments, aid, security, and environment. Japan and the EU jointly aided the newly liberalized countries in Central Eastern Europe, while the EU sought to strengthen its relations with countries in the Asia-Pacific. The Japan–EU Economic Partnership Agreement and the Strategic Partnership Agreement of 2018 were signed on the 50th anniversary of the customs union. The Agreements are jointly aimed by both parties to foster global free trade and shared values. For the first time in postwar history, Japan and the EU had reached an agreement before achieving one with the United States. Japan–EU relations are the strongest they have been since 1959 when the Japanese Mission to the European Communities and the European Commission Delegation to Japan were established. But the security threats in the Pacific indicate that bilateral relations between Japan and member states—the United Kingdom and France at the forefront—are still in play. The impact of Brexit, estimated to be felt more on the Japanese side, is also an issue requiring close study.


Author(s):  
Axel Berkofsky

In July 2018, Japan and the European Union adopted the bilateral Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA). The SPA is aimed at further institutionalizing EU-Japan cooperation in regional and international politics and security. Based on the political rhetoric accompanying the agreement’s adoption, one could be tempted to conclude that the SPA will be the long-awaited breakthrough of EU-Japan political and security cooperation in the years ahead. But it is not, at least not yet. In the agreement, the EU and Japan envision cooperation in more than 40 areas. You name it, it is all in the agreement: cooperation countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, crisis management, post-conflict reconstruction, collaboration to prevent the proliferation of conventional arms, including small arms and light weapons, joint counter-terrorism policies, joint efforts to reform the UN, development policies, disaster management, climate change and many, many other areas and issues made it onto that very long list of unresolved issues of international politics and security. The good news is that the SPA covers fewer issues and areas than the previous EU-Japan Action (2001-2011), which covered more than 100 areas the EU and Japan were at the time planning to cooperate on, and – with a few notable exceptions – did not. The not so good news is that the new SPA still covers more than 40 areas and there is unfortunately no information publicly available outlining which areas and/or issues have priority over others. Reality (most probably) is that when one does not prioritize anything, then not much will get done unless and until there is agreement between the EU and Japan on what needs to be done first, second and third.


Author(s):  
Serhii Tolstov

The article presents a review of the EU policy towards the African states in the early 21st century. It covers the main aspects and priorities of the EU’s relations with the countries of the region, including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, migration control, negotiations on the new type of economic agreements. The goals and principles of the EU-AU cooperation were outlined in the Joint Strategy signed in Lisbon in December 2007. The strategic partnership relations envisage the EU’s assistance to the African states aimed at the development, security cooperation, the prevention and settlement of conflicts, migration management, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU-AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However, the actual results of interaction in the priority areas such as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. The essential factor influencing the EU’s policy in Africa is the conflict of interests of the fluent intra-regional actors. The contradictions between the EU, China and the U.S. intensify the economic competition and political rivalry. The gradual reduction of the EU’s share in trade with Africa is marked on the background of the growing economic presence of China and expanding trade of the African states with Asia.


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