scholarly journals PECULIARITIES OF THE US-EU RELATIONS: EVOLUTION AND PROSPECTS

2016 ◽  
pp. 153-174
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk

It is argued that the US-European relations, regardless of the position of the US as a single global state, are based on the principles of interdependence. Conflicts that arise on specific issues are not of strategic and decisive character. They cannot provoke fundamental conflict, primarily because of similar values and targets in the conduct of foreign policy. Changing the status of the EU “traditional ally” into the status of “essential partner” is caused by the need to clearly define European interests in transatlantic cooperation. Relations between the EU and the US are based on protecting the interests and priorities of each party, in addition to the policy of compromise. Now the format of transatlantic cooperation is multilateral, negotiation basis of US foreign practices is combined with cooperation with the EU, confirming the practical transition of Washington to renovation of collective action. Filling the US-European relations with “global context” changes transatlantic partnership both in content and in form. The US and EU continue to be among the leaders in world politics that get additional opportunities for development and implementation of a common position on many global issues thanks to strategic partnership.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaia Balp

This article outlines potential pros and cons of a future European regulation of proxy advisory firms, as set forth in the Commission’s Proposal for a Directive amending Directive 2007/36/EC. After summarizing criticisms concerning the proxy advisory industry, and findings regarding its de facto influence on investors’ voting conduct both in the US and in the European context, the article adverts to why the power of proxy advisors appears to be overestimated. Uncertainty on the status quo of the industry’s actual impact on key decisions in listed companies, as well as costs associated with a regulation, need to be considered for assessing the suitability of the rules drafted to ensure adequate levels of independence and quality of voting recommendations. While transparency rules may be preferred to stricter legal constraints or requirements in a first stage, possible shortcomings of the Draft Directive exist that may undermine its effectiveness. Analyzing the amendments to the Proposal adopted by the European Parliament, and the Council’s Presidency compromise text, may suggest a preferable approach as regards single rules still making their way through the European legislative process.


Author(s):  
В.И. Герасимчук ◽  
V. Gerasymchuk

Глобальные перемены в мировой политике и экономике происходят под решающим влиянием стран «Большой семерки» и БРИКС, придя на смену биполярному миру (США – СССР). После развала СССР каждая из бывших 15 республик, а ныне независимых государств, выстраивает экономические отношения со странами-соседями, международными и региональными объединениями в соответствие со своими стратегическими намерениями. В статье анализируются тенденции социально-экономического развитии Украины и Казахстана в течение 1991-2020гг. Изложены особенности моделей трансформации экономик двух стран. Методологической основой исследования выступает сравнительный ретроспективный анализ происходящих изменений в экономиках обоих государств с применением рейтинговых инструментов и механизмов. Указаны различия в векторах при выборе стратегического партнерства: для Украины – это НАТО, США и ЕС, для Казахстана – ОДКБ, Россия, СНГ и ЕАЭС, а также Китай, США, государства Центральной Азии и ЕС. Обращено внимание на уязвимость национальных экономик от влияния мировых финансовых кризисов, разрывов прежних кооперационных связей, потерей традиционных рынков сбыта, комплекса нерешенных внутренних проблем. Дана оценка экспортного потенциала экономик двух стран; подчеркнута необходимость увеличения в его структуре продукции с высокой добавленной стоимостью. Детально рассмотрены тенденции развития двустороннего торгово-экономического сотрудничества. Предложен комплекс мер по увеличению товарооборота между Украиной и Казахстаном. Global changes in world politics and economy are taking place under the decisive influence of the G7 and BRICS countries, replacing the bipolar world (USA - USSR). After the collapse of the USSR, each of the former 15 republics, now independent states, is building economic relations with neighboring countries, international and regional associations in accordance with their strategic intentions. The article analyzes the trends in the socio-economic development of Ukraineand Kazakhstanduring 1991-2020. The features of the models of transformation of the economies of the two countries are stated. The methodological basis of the study is a comparative retrospective analysis of the ongoing changes in the economies of both countries using rating instruments and mechanisms. Differences in vectors when choosing a strategic partnership are indicated: for Ukraine, these are NATO, the USA and the EU, for Kazakhstan– the CSTO, Russia, the CIS and the EAEU, as well as China, the USA, the Central Asian states and the EU. Attention is drawn to the vulnerability of national economies to the impact of global financial crises, breaks of previous cooperation ties, loss of traditional sales markets, and a set of unresolved internal problems. The assessment of the export potential of the economies of the two countries is given; emphasized the need to increase its structure of products with high added value. Trends in the development of bilateral trade and economic cooperation are examined in detail. A set of measures has been proposed to increase trade between Ukraineand Kazakhstan.


Author(s):  
S. Tolstov

The African continent has traditionally been considered as Europe’s ‘backyard’. The Africa – EU partnership framework was established at the Africa – EU Summit in Cairo in 2000. In 2005 the European Commission issued a renovated EU Strategy for Africa aimed to establish a Euro-African pact to accelerate Africa’s development. Since then a considerable change has taken place on both continents, which challenge the way Africa and Europe perceive each other. On 29th June 2016 the African Union Commission and the EU signed the third phase of the African Union Support Programme. The goals of the EU – AU strategic partnership relations envisage a wide range of priorities in different areas including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, joint management and joint responsibility, security cooperation, regulation of migrations, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU – AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However the actual results of interaction in such priority areas as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. Thus the European political experts often speculate on the ineffectiveness of the EU’s concept of normative power and external governance attempts in relation to the African states.


Author(s):  
S. Tolstov

The African continent has traditionally been considered as Europe’s ‘backyard’. The Africa – EU partnership framework was established at the Africa – EU Summit in Cairo in 2000. In 2005 the European Commission issued a renovated EU Strategy for Africa aimed to establish a Euro-African pact to accelerate Africa’s development. Since then a considerable change has taken place on both continents, which challenge the way Africa and Europe perceive each other. On 29th June 2016 the African Union Commission and the EU signed the third phase of the African Union Support Programme. The goals of the EU – AU strategic partnership relations envisage a wide range of priorities in different areas including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, joint management and joint responsibility, security cooperation, regulation of migrations, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU – AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However the actual results of interaction in such priority areas as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. Thus the European political experts often speculate on the ineffectiveness of the EU’s concept of normative power and external governance attempts in relation to the African states.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baldur Thorhallsson

The aim of this paper is to determine Iceland’s foreign policy options in relation to shelter theory. Iceland has been seeking political and economic shelter ever since the United States deserted it in 2006, by closing its military base, and in 2008, by refusing to provide it with assistance following its economic collapse. Iceland has made several new security and defence arrangements with its neighbouring states, applied for membership of the European Union and was the first European country to make a free-trade agreement with China. Moreover, the president of Iceland pressed for closer political and economic ties with Russia. Prominent Icelandic politicians frequently claim that Brexit will create a number of opportunities for Iceland and lead to closer cooperation with Britain. However, Iceland has not yet secured shelter of an extent comparable to what it had enjoyed from the United States. In this paper, we will answer questions such as: What does shelter theory tell us about Iceland’s overseas relations with the US, NATO, the EU, Britain, Russia, China, and the Nordic states? Will Iceland receive more reliable shelter provided by multilateral organizations than by a single shelter provider?


2021 ◽  

The »return of great power competition« between (among others) the US, China, Russia and the EU is a major topic in contemporary public debate. But why do we think of world politics in terms of »competition«? Which information and which rules enable states and other actors in world politics to »compete« with one another? Which competitive strategies do they pursue in the complex environment of modern world politics? This cutting-edge edited collection discusses these questions from a unique interdisciplinary perspective. It offers a fresh account of competition in world politics, looking beyond its military dimensions to questions of economics, technology and prestige.


2014 ◽  
Vol 02 (01) ◽  
pp. 1450003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivia GIPPNER

In the field of Climate Change China has been an increasingly important member of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process and since the mid-2000s, a key target of European engagement policies in the broader framework of the "EU–China strategic partnership". But how do Chinese decision-makers perceive these efforts? The way or "frame" they use to look at climate change also determines their mutual perceptions of each other's efforts on climate change. In order to better understand and evaluate how Chinese climate elites see the EU, the article first details the nascent theoretical debate on diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing and critically assesses the Chinese discourse on climate change. As an empirical, qualitative study, the article draws on interviews carried out in Beijing, Bonn, and Warsaw in 2012 and 2013. The article's main argument is that the Chinese frame toward the issue of climate change has been converging toward the European frame in the 2000s. During these years increasing energy intensity and environmental pollution raised awareness of climate change effects and vulnerability within the population. The Chinese ascent to the status of the second biggest world economy and increasing engagement in multilateral cooperation has a further effect on its framing of climate change. Located in the discourse post-Copenhagen, it attempts to capture the new global dynamics that have been integral to the subsequent rounds of negotiation and epitomized by the Chinese position during the 2011 COP17 Summit in Durban.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Huw Roberts ◽  
Josh Cowls ◽  
Emmie Hine ◽  
Francesca Mazzi ◽  
Andreas Tsamados ◽  
...  

AbstractOver the past few years, there has been a proliferation of artificial intelligence (AI) strategies, released by governments around the world, that seek to maximise the benefits of AI and minimise potential harms. This article provides a comparative analysis of the European Union (EU) and the United States’ (US) AI strategies and considers (i) the visions of a ‘Good AI Society’ that are forwarded in key policy documents and their opportunity costs, (ii) the extent to which the implementation of each vision is living up to stated aims and (iii) the consequences that these differing visions of a ‘Good AI Society’ have for transatlantic cooperation. The article concludes by comparing the ethical desirability of each vision and identifies areas where the EU, and especially the US, need to improve in order to achieve ethical outcomes and deepen cooperation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 334-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Davor JANČIĆ

AbstractThis article analyses the roles of the European Parliament and the US Congress in addressing regulatory interdependencies arising in the EU–US strategic partnership. It examines their international actorness as a potential remedy for the problems of democratic participation, executive dominance, and opaqueness in the shaping of transatlantic relations. It shows that legislatures significantly contribute to regulatory discrepancies and trade disputes and that the adverse consequences thereof justify more intensiveex antecooperation between them. The analysis conducts two groups of case studies to demonstrate how the EP and Congress influence law and policy in areas of transatlantic regulatory and foreign policy divergence. The first group of case studies analyses parliamentary involvement in the making of international agreements (TTIP and ACTA). The second group of case studies inspects legislative action with extraterritorial effects (US Helms–Burton and Sarbanes–Oxley Acts). The article argues that the EP and Congress have so far frequently acted against the spirit of the strategic partnership in ways that are injurious to the interests of the other side, and discusses whether an interparliamentary early warning mechanism could reduce legislative and political frictions and increase the coherence of transatlantic lawmaking.


European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Nathan Shepura

In the context of an increasingly competitive US–China rivalry, the intensity of which is unlikely to diminish in the foreseeable future, the EU finds itself with a unique challenge and a unique opportunity. It must reaffirm and assert its commitment to a strategic partnership with the US, foremost through increasing its cooperation with NATO and through a recommitment to forging ever-closer economic ties. The EU must also continue to offer bold, creative alternatives to a new bipolar global framework. In particular, these should emphasise the EU’s multilateral ties with partners around the world, as an important balance to potential conflict between the US and China.


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