Does Inclusion Require Democracy?

2003 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam James Tebble

Iris Marion Young's theory of democracy aims to accommodate the idea of difference by combining anti-essentialist, identity conferring social groups and mediated socio-economic relations. In this way they are supposed to combine instrumental rationality with inclusiveness and the recognition of difference. Using the political thought of F.A. Hayek, this paper mounts a critique of Young's difference theory. In particular it argues that Young's theory of group representation at the institutional level of politics contradicts her commitment to an anti-essentialist account of groups. Whereas her account of group identity is necessarily fluid and inclusive, her account of recognition is rigid and exclusionary. Furthermore the epistemological demands of democratic communication and economic coordination undermine her instrumental account of public-decision making. In contrast it will be argued that Hayek's political thought provides instructive alternative way of addressing the tensions at the heart of Young's theory.

Author(s):  
Todd Butler

This chapter explains how the political changes of early Stuart England can be usefully examined from a cognitive perspective, with questions of authority and sovereignty being determined not just by what individuals or institutions do but also by how they are understood and expected to think, and in particular how they were expected to come to decisions. In doing so, it links early modern and contemporary understandings of state formation in seventeenth-century England to processes of decision-making and counsel, as well as the management of personal and public opinion, thereby explicating the mental mechanics of early modern governance. More than being simply a form of political thought or doctrine, intellection is presented as a shared attention to cognitive processes amidst historical moments in which we can see particular patterns of thinking—and attention to them as politics—begin to emerge.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Maria Susana Nedo

Abstract:This study aimed at describing the interaction of the factions in the organization's decision-making process DPRD Malang; with a focus on the kind of interaction both internally and externally fraction of the party over government policies Malang in development projects / peralian traditional market status and Dinoyo Blimbing Malang into Modern market in the city of Malang. Based on the results of field research (Member of Parliament Malang in Malang Parliament Office II) and analysis of data regarding political interactions between members of the board in a fraction in DPRD Malang; especially the interactions between the factions with regard to public decision making (policy Making) in the case of market Dinoyo and Blimbing can be seen the political interaction between the factions in the organization DPRD Malang in various forms, including: conflict, Accommodation, Compromise, and the Coalition in the process of pushing or thwart development policy and the transitional status of both markets.Although the final decision through voting; DPRD Malang still approve policies Dinoyo market development and market Blimbing as the modern market, since the beginning of the discussion on the construction of two projects in the city parliament Malang occur Pros and Cons of each-each faction will be the plan. Semuannya behalf of the interests of the people to remain grounded in their respective party platforms. The difficulties in the market building approvals showed adannya interaction among factions in the party's internal and external parties on development projects in both markets. The change of final views and policies fractions as a result of lobbying-lobbying in the political interaction between factions both in the form of cooperation (Pro) and the opposition (Counter) shows the form of interaction in political communication who conducted members of the faction DPRD Malang internal and external parties resulting in a decision together though through a vote to approve the construction of traditional markets and Dinoyo Blimbing into Modern market. Keywords: Fraction of DPRD II Malang, Interaction and Political Communication, Public Decision


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chien-Chih LIN

AbstractThe judicialization of politics in Taiwan is particularly evident in three domains: the expansion of judicial power, a shift in political equilibrium, and litigation for social change. Yet it is not altogether clear why politicians and social groups are willing to transfer decision-making powers from the political branches to the judiciary, particularly the Constitutional Court. This paper endeavours to fill this academic lacuna by suggesting that the judicialization of politics occurs in Taiwan because both politicians and citizens choose the judiciary as another agent to implement their preferred policies. Nevertheless, Taiwan does not become a juristocracy and, indeed, the pace of the judicialization has slowed down since the second party turnover. The development of the judicialization of politics in Taiwan may shed new light on many old topics, such as judicial supremacy and the relationship between judicial power and political uncertainty.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-198
Author(s):  
Paolo Martelli

Abstract Individual choices and the method to aggregate them in such a way to make public decisions are the basic elements of public decision-making models.Aggregation rules can be derived either from the "Welfare*, or from the "Contractarian" models. The basic problem is the one to put forward an integrated and consistent model describing the working of collective organizations.The "Constitutional Perspective* presented by the Public Choice School is a serious attempt to analyse the political system by armonizing both the "Contractarian* and the "Utilitarian* approaches.Public choice scientists have provided an interpretation of the shift from the «Non-cooperative” to the «Cooperative* version of the prisoner's dilemma.


1972 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony William Sariti

Contrary to accepted scholarly opinion, Ssu-Ma Kuang was not a leading spokesman for monarchical absolutism during the Sung dynasty. He conceived of “non-action” as a practical technique of government in which the various strata of the administration had their own unique areas of competence. The emperor, in his view, had only limited powers of decision-making. The outline of Ssu-Ma's theory of the proper relationship between bureaucracy and monarchy is that the bureaucracy is the official interpreter of the classical tradition, which was the criterion for the legitimacy of imperial decisions, and that the bureaucracy was to have wide-ranging discretionary power and delegated authority. The emperor was to rule through “non-action” by turning over authority to qualified subordinates.


1992 ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Gerardo Silva Vegas ◽  

It aims to provide the manager, in his capacity as the leader of an organization that produces goods or services for society, an analytical instrument that allows him to decompose the most complex external factor: the political variable, understood as power relations, the interaction of social groups with different or antagonistic interests, and decision-making by socially powerful subjects that affects the whole. To approach the compression of this variable, an analytical instrument is proposed which combines four dimensions: contradiction between capital and labor, contradiction between State and civil society, contradiction between violence and peace and national contradiction (between protectionism and globalization or between nationalism and internationalism). Other dimensions are conceivable; however, what is important is the usefulness of the analytical method for the stated purposes. The analysis of the political variable will allow the company’s adequate understanding and, consequently, the possibility of predicting its behavior and anticipating the events.


2010 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
William F. Byrne

AbstractThis paper examines problems of the liberal democratic order through an analysis of the political thought of a neglected American thinker, William Graham Sumner. Sumner argues that the liberal order is inextricably linked to laissez-faire, and is under siege from the closely interrelated threats of socialism, plutocracy, imperialism, and the degeneration of democracy. He recognizes that the liberal-democratic capitalist state has significant deficiencies, including atomization, “cold” economic relations, and a loss of “poetry.” It also seems to depend upon values which are not readily propagated by liberalism. But efforts to address deficiencies through government action amount to attempts to intermix philosophically incompatible elements and serve to hasten the system's collapse. Sumner's work unwittingly suggests that the usual “Lockean” liberal model may be so flawed that a revised public philosophy, with new language and paradigms, is needed for the effective pursuit of his goals of freedom, dignity, and human development.


Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (04) ◽  
pp. 578-596
Author(s):  
MINNE DE BOODT

ABSTRACT:This article examines late medieval urban political thought. By means of an intertextual methodology that combines the efforts of continental scholars and English literary historians, it provides new insights into the political ideas that circulated within the towns of the fourteenth-century duchy of Brabant. A qualitative analysis between different source types, that originated amongst socially diverse groups, will indicate that political ideas had a polyphonic character. Indeed, ideas were constantly reconstructed and reshaped by the social groups that used them and the context in which they were uttered. During the fourteenth century, the Brabantine citizenry was involved in an ideological battle that was fought with similar, but adaptable, weapons.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark D. Chapman

AbstractThis essay discusses the political thought of Rowan Williams in the context of his leading influences and wider theology. It shows the continuity in his political writing from his early days as a radical to his frequent political speeches and lectures as Archbishop of Canterbury. The over-riding theme is that of ‘interactive pluralism’, which seeks to establish a form of politics with a very weak system of sovereignty. This influenced his 2008 lecture on ‘Civil and Religious Law in England: a Religious Perspective’, which suggested a limited role for parallel religious law codes alongside those of the state. Although this lecture was subject to much criticism, particularly in the popular press, it nevertheless displays a consistency with his strongly disestablishmentarian inclinations, which give a large amount of space to ‘first-level’ institutions in both decision-making and community formation. A healthy society is established through dispute and dialogue between such groups rather than strong centralized power.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter focuses on political life within the city commune. Although each political group tended to represent itself as ‘the whole’, division in the political body not only existed but was in fact a constituent part of communal experience, where a variety of different social groups and sectors confronted one another in increasingly regulated and disciplined forms. To see how the ideologies of unity came to terms with the theme of plurality means, therefore, investigating phenomena in the context of political culture, such as the organization of assemblies, the decision-making process, and the mediation of councils. In this respect the chapter casts light on the development of new civic values, such as aequalitas, and fresh legal principles, such as quod omnes tangit ab omnibus comprobetur—what affects everybody must be agreed upon by everybody—which succeeded not only in justifying collective decision-making but also in establishing the principle of representation.


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