«Identità personale” e «scambio politico» nel processo di decisione sociale

1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-198
Author(s):  
Paolo Martelli

Abstract Individual choices and the method to aggregate them in such a way to make public decisions are the basic elements of public decision-making models.Aggregation rules can be derived either from the "Welfare*, or from the "Contractarian" models. The basic problem is the one to put forward an integrated and consistent model describing the working of collective organizations.The "Constitutional Perspective* presented by the Public Choice School is a serious attempt to analyse the political system by armonizing both the "Contractarian* and the "Utilitarian* approaches.Public choice scientists have provided an interpretation of the shift from the «Non-cooperative” to the «Cooperative* version of the prisoner's dilemma.

1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 80-87
Author(s):  
S. S. Brand

Private and public decision-making The interaction between the private and public sectors is important in South Africa. Much criticism is expressed by the one sector against the other. This can be partly attributed to an incomplete understanding of the processes of decision-making in the two sectors, and of the differences between them. A comparison is drawn between the most important elements of the decision-making processes in the two sectors. Public decision-making deals mostly with matters concerning the community and the economy as a whole, whereas private decision-making is concerned mostly with parts of the whole. The aims at which decision-making in the two sectors are directed, differ accordingly, as do the perceptions of the respective decision-makers of the environment in which they make decisions. As a consequence, the criteria for the success of a decision also differ substantially between the two sectors. The implications of these differences between private and public decision-making for the approach to inflation and the financing of housing, are dealt with as examples. Finally, differences between the ways in which decisions are implemented in the two sectors, also appear to be an important cause of much of the criticism from the private sector about decision-making in the public sector.


Author(s):  
Will Jennings

“Mechanisms of representation” relate to the organization of politics and its consequences, and the processes through which interests or preferences are represented in the political system and the outcomes of public policy. This article explores a diverse set of mechanisms through which politics is organized, and through which the preferences or interests of the public, voters, groups, and economic interests are either advanced or obstructed. Traditional approaches of political science often adopted a narrow focus on the formal democratic qualities of elected government and the pluralism of the political system in incorporating different interests or preferences into the decision-making process and policy outcomes. Later waves of research sought to explore bias in mechanisms of representation, such as the disproportionate influence of interest groups in the governmental process and the power of agenda setting in determining which issues make it onto the decision-making table and when. Nevertheless, there continues to be considerable interest in the role of formal political institutions in determining the performance of representative democracy, how political parties act as vehicles for representation, and how elections can provide mandates to governments and enable voters to reward or punish political parties or candidates for the quality of their representation or performance. Indeed, a growing field of enquiry identifies a direct link between the preferences of the public and their representatives, either in the representation of constituency opinion or in the responsiveness of the political system as a whole. Despite this pervasive concern throughout the discipline of political science with the functioning of democratic politics, important changes in modern states, economies, and societies occurring outside elected institutions also shape representation, particularly as executive governance and politics has assumed increasing importance. The conventional understanding of mechanisms of representation is built upon shifting sands, with the emergence of the “regulatory state” and the decline of traditional distributive and command activities of government, and with ever more “networked,” “nonhierarchical,” and “transnational” modes of governing—often by unelected authorities. These changing institutional arrangements also reflect a response to the rise of risk as a focus of organization, as traditional social and economic cleavages are redrawn and reconstructed around questions of risk—often manmade, created through scientific innovation or economic progress. These changes point toward the changing battleground for representation both of public and political interests and the increasing importance of understanding questions of bureaucratic politics and control, transnational regulation, the management of risk, and the preoccupation of officeholders with the avoidance of blame. Mechanisms of representation shed light on all these things and more, encompassing the role of institutions in reflecting public or private interests in the decision-making process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-20
Author(s):  
Khanlar A. Gadzhiev

Feedback is one of the most significant elements for political system’s functioning. Not only social and political stability depend on the effectiveness of its channels and mechanisms, and the extent of it being taken into account in the political process, but also resilience of the political system constructed. During the digital age, when the political processes in society are much more intensive in the society and the process of opinion exchange is more open, authorities, on the one hand, have significantly more opportunities for monitoring, analysis and consideration of feedback in order to correct the political course being pursued, and on the other hand, rapid response and decision making are required from authorities. It is primarily connected to the great degree of penetration of the online-environment into peoples’ lives. Here emerged many threatens and risks for authorities connected with the possibility of destructive impact on public opinion and attempt to manipulating it. For this goal the article tries to define the essence of political feedback and its significance for today’s political process; its basic components and their role in political system’s functioning are stated; the potential of political feedback from the point of view of enhancing the effectiveness of decision made by the authorities and adequate response to the public enquiries and demands; finally, the main possible barriers on the way of realization of political feedback.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-217
Author(s):  
Tomasz Sochański

This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit.


2021 ◽  
pp. 175-192
Author(s):  
Fabiano Santos ◽  
Fernando Guarnieri ◽  
Nara Salles

In this chapter, we present the politics of congressional speech in Brazil as the result of incentives produced by this country’s political model, the so-called coalitional presidentialism. On the one hand, a majority formed by larger parties controls the decision-making process related to the Brazilian public agenda, turning the core policy debate into a partisan and ideological issue. On the other, “autonomous” spaces for delivering speeches are both claimed and occupied by legislators with more specific identities, such as women and deputies with longer-lived congressional trajectories. These personal traits cannot be limited to the traditional cleavages of the political system. For this, we analyzed more than 190,000 speeches delivered in the following phases of the floor sessions held between 2001 and 2018.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 240
Author(s):  
Syaiful Arif

ABSTRACT: Religious radicalism (Islam) developed the theological thought to counter-Pancasila and the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), it can be fought and softened with Pancasila itself. This is due to the fact that the cause of such radicalism is a misunderstanding to the Pancasila and its political system. Pancasila is regarded as a secular political ideology, whereas it actually cared pattern for the relationship between religion and state that upholds the values of divinity on the one side, and the public virtue on the other side. Deradizalisation of religion based on Pancasila can be applied with two strategies. First, proving the existence of religious dimension of Pancasila and Republic of Indonesia to undermine the secular claims from the radical groups. Second, learning the nature of politics which contained in Pancasila. These nature of politics are more in line with the political ideals of Islam, rather than the ideology of Islamism which tends to the violent. KEYWORDS: Islam, radicalism, deradicalization, Pancasila.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-113
Author(s):  
Joanna Pawełek-Mendez

French constitution adopted in 1958 by referendum has profoundly modified the political system in France by establishing the renewed V Republic. General de Gaulle who inspired “the spirit and the letter” of the new wording, focused on the one and the most important goal. Inserted changes were aimed at ensuring the survival of the state by enhancing French institutions, their decision-making powers as well as resilience, in case of occurrence of the major crisis and threat for the country. The President became directly and personally responsible for the state continued existence, while making the Prime Minister responsible for the national defense. This constitutional – legal and logical contradiction characterized also as a diarchy at the top level of the power has proved nevertheless to be singularly efficient. After more than 60 years of V Republic, Military Strength Ranking placed France in 2019 on fifth position.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.


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