The 1998 German Federal Election

Politics ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter James

The federal election held in Germany on 27 September 1998 marked the end of the Kohl era. It was one of the closest-fought postwar elections, which made the result difficult to predict and the election evening extremely exciting. In the event the ruling Christian Democrats recorded their worst result since 1949, a sitting federal chancellor, Helmut Kohl, was voted out of office for the first time in the history of the Federal Republic and the main opposition party, Germany's Social Democrats, became the largest party in parliament for only the second time since the war.

Author(s):  
Ron Holloway

BERLINALE 2000 AT FIFTY FOR the first time in the history of the festival, the 50th Berlinale (9-20 February 2000) was opened by the President of the Federal Republic of Germany, Johannes Rau. German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder joined Berlin Mayor Eberhard Diepgen at the grand inauguration of the new festival location cum headquarters on the Potsdamer Platz. Cultural Minister Michael Naumann presented Jeanne Moreau with an honorary Golden Bear and chatted with her about co-founding a new German-French Film Academy. L'Oréal sponsored the VIP lounge. The party for Danny "Trainspotting" Boyle's screen adaptation of Alex Garland's The Beach (UK-USA), starring Leonardo DiCaprio, was voted the festival's most lavish and exotic. Kenneth Branagh enlivened the press conference for his Love Labour's Lost (UK) with a droll quote: "Shakespeare has been an excellent meal ticket!" MPAA's Marc Spiegel reminisced how the Berlinale became a major international festival event a half-century ago....


1968 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Lehmbruch

ON I DECEMBER 1966 THE BUNDESTAG ELECTED THE CHRISTIAN democrat leader Kurt Georg Kiesinger as head of a government formed by Christian democrats (CDU) and social democrats (SPD), by a majority of 340 (out of 496) members. The liberals (FDP), with 49 members, were pushed aside into opposition. For the first time since 1930 the social democrats entered a German central government, not as the result of an electoral victory but at the conclusion of an inner Crisis within the hitherto existing majority. The CDU whose prestige was badly damaged by this crisis continued to provide the chancellor. This helps to explain why some 60 members of the coalescing parties voted against the candidate. Public opinion oscillated between feelings of relief because of the end of a period of insecurity, and feelings of discomfort in view of an experiment which seemed unorthodox and hazardous. The disputes around the grosse Koalition (great coalition) thus revealed the ambiguity of conceptions of parliamentary government as they had developed since the establishment of the Federal Republic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Philipp Adorf

The 2017 federal election illustrated the transformation of Germany’s political party system with six parties managing to enter the Bundestag. With the Christian and Social Democrats finally coming to an agreement almost half a year after the election, a grand coalition is set to govern for two consecutive terms for the very first time. The Alternative for Germany’s success also signaled the definite parliamentary establishment of right-wing populism in Germany. Multiparty coalitions that bridge ideological gulfs as the political fringe has grown in size are a new reality that must be accommodated. The 2017 election and subsequent arduous negotiations point towards a period of uncertainty and further upheaval for Germany’s party system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-207
Author(s):  
Fabian Peters ◽  
Wolfgang Ilg ◽  
David Gutmann

AbstractIn 2020, for the first time in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany, less than half of the 6- to 18-year-old population will be members of the Protestant or Catholic Church. By the year 2060, this percentage will continue to decrease to 25 %. These are the results of the first coordinated member projection study for the Evangelical and Catholic Church in Germany.The article depicts the method of the projection model and the developments for the coming four decades. It examines regional peculiarities in West and East Germany by viewing the states of Baden-Württemberg and Saxony as exemplary cases. Questions about the possible consequences for church, school, and society will conclude the article


1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Free elections are celebrations of the democratic process, and theGermans celebrated in an unprecedented way on September 27,1998. After sixteen years of Christian Democratic rule, the publicused its democratic power to change the government. Indeed, for thefirst time in the history of the Federal Republic, voters rejected a sittingchancellor and chose a new government through the ballot box.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-499
Author(s):  
Roberto Heinrich ◽  
Stefan Merz ◽  
Anja Miriam Simon

The state election in Rhineland-Palatinate, which took place on the same day as the election in Baden-Württemberg, was safe to gain nationwide attention . It was perceived as a first test of the political mood for the federal election in the fall and, in addition, the first election held under Covid-19 pandemic conditions . Not surprisingly, the proportion of absentee voters increased significantly and reached a new nationwide high . The social democrats emerged as the strongest political force for the seventh time in a row with a share of 35 .7 percent of the vote . As in 2016, Minister President Malu Dreyer in particular guaranteed the SPD’s success . Despite slight losses, the SPD was well ahead of the CDU, which, with its top candidate Christian Baldauf, fell to a new historic low in Rhineland-Palatinate with a result of 27 .7 per­cent . The AfD did not benefit from the SPD and CDU losses and dropped to fourth place with 8 .3 percent . The election winners were the Greens, who achieved their second-best state election result of 9 .3 percent, and the Free Voters, who for the first time entered the Rhine­land-Palatinate parliament and won 5 .4 percent of the vote . The Liberals achieved a share of 5 .5 percent of the vote . For the first time, six parties are represented in the state parliament . Since none of the three coalition partners questioned a continuation of the coalition of SPD, Greens, and Liberals at any point in time, negotiations started quickly . The new government took office on May 18 .


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Paterson

THE RESULT OF THE FEDERAL ELECTION OF NOVEMBER I972 APPEARED to many as a turning point in the post-war history of the German Social Democratic Party. For the first time in the history of the Federal Republic, the SPD. was the largest party winning 45.9 per cent of the list votes (230 seats in the Bundestag) to the CDU/CSU's 44.8 per cent (225 seats). In 1957 the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union had enjoyed a lead of 18.4 per cent over the SPD. This lead was steadily whittled away after the party adopted the moderate Bad Godesberg Programme in 1959. The SPD gained 4.4 per cent in 1961,3. 1 per cent in 1965, 3.4 per cent in 1969 and 3.2 per cent in 1972


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Carissima Mathen

The 2006 Canadian federal election, which brought the Conservative Party to power for the first time, shifted the dynamics of constitutional advocacy. The government adopted a combative litigation posture, channeled through aggressive political messaging and uncompromising choices. Since the return to power in 2015 of the Liberal Party, many expect a more respectful attitude towards litigants, the courts and the Constitution. Certainly, the new government appears more positively disposed to constitutional rights and judicial review. As a result, Canadians are less likely to witness an openly hostile attitude towards the judiciary. That said, it is impossible to predict the precise way that the new government will respond to constitutional litigation.The observations that follow largely focus on government responses to final judicial settlement of constitutional disputes. But there is, as well, much to be gleaned from how a government conducts itself during litigation. While the latter issue does not feature prominently in this paper, it informs some of the concluding comments.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Funk

In the history of botany, Adam Zalužanský (d. 1613), a Bohemian physician, apothecary, botanist and professor at the University of Prague, is a little-known personality. Linnaeus's first biographers, for example, only knew Zalužanský from hearsay and suspected he was a native of Poland. This ignorance still pervades botanical history. Zalužanský is mentioned only peripherally or not at all. As late as the nineteenth century, a researcher would be unaware that Zalužanský’s main work Methodi herbariae libri tres actually existed in two editions from two different publishers (1592, Prague; 1604, Frankfurt). This paper introduces the life and work of Zalužanský. Special attention is paid to the chapter “De sexu plantarum” of Zalužanský’s Methodus, in which, more than one hundred years before the well-known De sexu plantarum epistola of R. J. Camerarius, the sexuality of plants is suggested. Additionally, for the first time, an English translation of Zalužanský’s chapter on plant sexuality is provided.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


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