scholarly journals Britain and the Working Time Regulations

Politics ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alasdair Blair ◽  
Luchien Karsten ◽  
John Leopold

It is now over a year since the Working Time Regulations entered force in Britain on 1 October 1998, during a period when the government also introduced the minimum wage. But whereas that piece of legislation appears to have faded away into the background of British industrial relations, the Working Time Regulations continue to remain a central topic. Based on a survey of British companies and organisations, this article reviews the implementation of the legislation and examines the scope of coverage. It finds that the failure of the Labour government to consult the social partners – employer and employee representatives – resulted in business being unprepared for the Regulations. The article also notes that the manner in which this legislation was introduced has meant that many of the employees who were working excessive hours continue to do so.

Author(s):  
Ifeanyi P. Onyeonoru ◽  
Kehinde Kester

Social dialogue as an aspect of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is aimed at promoting industrial democracy by encouraging consensus building among social partners in the work place. The significance lies, among others, in minimising conflicts to enable harmonious industrial relations. This study utilized specific case illustrations to examine the inclination of the Nigerian government towards social dialogue in government-labour relations, with particular reference to the Obasanjo era 1999-2007— a period associated with the globalization of democracy. The cases included the minimum wage award 2000, University Autonomy Bill, the price deregulation of the downstream oil sector and the Trade Union Amendment Bill 2004. It was found that the government exhibited a penchant for authoritarianism in spite of the globalization of democracy. This was evident in the incapacity of the Obasanjo government to engage the social partners in social dialogue as indicated by the cases reviewed. The study, however, highlighted the modest contribution to social dialogue made by the wider democratic structure. It was concluded that the government had limited capacity for consensus building, accommodation of opposition and negotiated outcomes in government-labour relations


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-236
Author(s):  
Stephan Seiwerth

AbstractSocial partners have played a privileged role in German social security administration since Bismarckian times. In 2014, a new legislation empowered the social partners to set the level of the statutory minimum wage and to demand the extension of collective agreements. This article examines the interdependence of the trade unions’ and employer organisations’ membership numbers and their involvement in state regulation of labour and social security law. In case the interest in autonomous regulations is not going to increase, the state will have to step in with more heteronomous regulation. This would incrementally lead to a system change.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-174
Author(s):  
Claudia Schubert ◽  
Laura Schmitt

Not only in Germany but in many European states the level of coverage by collective agreements is declining. Since collective bargaining autonomy is based on the principle of voluntary membership, one of its weaknesses lies in the declining degree of organisation on both the employers’ and the employees’ side. In the long term, weak unions cannot ensure fair working conditions. As a result, collective bargaining agreements lose their inherent warranty of correctness. In the legal policy discussion, this has led to calls for the legislator. In response, in 2014 the German legislature passed the ‘Act to Strengthen the Autonomy of Collective Bargaining’ ( Tarifautonomiestärkungsgesetz) to lower the requirements for the extension of collective agreements and to introduce a national minimum wage. As this has not led to significant improvements, there are further-reaching proposals for the statutory extension of collective agreements. The extension of collective bargaining agreements to non-members does not strengthen the social partnership on the employee side. However, it is a legitimate means to avoid a race to the bottom in competing for the lowest social standard; extensions help in creating common labour standards as long as a sufficient margin is maintained for the social partners to negotiate sector-specific regulations and to shape working conditions. A legal system, which is based on rights of freedom and does not consider the freedom of association to be a solely goal-orientated right, offers limited options to strengthen the social partners through legislation. Extensions become increasingly difficult to justify, the higher the existing level of legal protection. Especially in countries with minimum wage legislation and a large amount of employee protection legislation the justification requirements increase. However, at least in Germany, to date the judiciary has not sufficiently considered these aspects. Even though international laws leave substantial freedoms to the states, all legal systems that are based on a strong and vital social partnership should be interested in obtaining and protecting the plurality of collective bargaining agreements. They should only lay down limits, where there are tendencies of eroding solidarity among workforces due to the parallel existence of several collective bargaining agreements. The associations themselves possess limited resources for extending their member base. Still, the more the individual can gain from association membership, the more likely employees and employers are to join their respective associations. Therefore, the state should demonstrate restraint regarding the regulation of labour conditions. However, such restraint will prove difficult for welfare states. Their governments will most likely opt to eliminate deficiencies through legislation, even at the price of further weakening collective bargaining autonomy. Compared to extensions, legal provisions have the disadvantage of being too general and less flexible because of the much slower adaptation process. Therefore, the main argument in favour of extensions is that they facilitate the differentiation of mandatory working conditions. To ensure their legitimation, a number of design options can be considered. Regarding this, neither European nor international law impose high requirements but existing differences between national legal systems demand custom-fit solutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Lovén Seldén

This article addresses recent developments in the debate on a European minimum wage and tries to shed light on the Swedish standpoint, which from a European perspective might be difficult to comprehend. The article argues that even though the ETUC secretariat has tried to find a balance among the member organisations regarding the EU initiative on a fair minimum wage, it is far from enough from a Swedish and Nordic perspective. Issues such as how to approach collective bargaining, how to think about minimum wages and the role of the government in industrial relations cause problems when unions that operate in relatively diverse institutional contexts try to cooperate. It is therefore likely that the EU minimum wage will continue to be at the core of European trade union discussions in the coming years. At the same time, institutional differences between countries are not the only factors determining union cooperation in Europe. Contextual factors also matter.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-142
Author(s):  
Tuomo Alasoini

This paper presents the aims and main focus areas of the Finnish National Workplace Development Programme. The Government-initiated programme in which also the social partners are involved was launched in 1996, and it will continue until 2003. The author considers that, using wisely, the high legitimacy programme-based workplace development enjoys in Finland today may prove to be an important source of competitive advantage for the country.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Smith

Industrial democracy and worker participation have become important topics for international debate, with developments taking place in many countries. Despite its former reputation for advances in the social field, little has been heard about developments in worker participation in New Zealand. The aim of the present paper is to report and assess such developments whilst placing these within the context of developments in industrial relations in that country. The strong reliance upon legal arrangements and government intervention in industrial relations matters have had a marked effect upon the development of the industrial relations system in New Zealand. Yet, despite this tradition of legalism, successive governments remain singularly reluctant to legislate in the field of worker participation. Recent initiatives by employers have been strongly unitary in nature, whilst the trade unions appear to be concentrating their efforts upon extending the scope of collective bargaining, an opportunity afforded to them due to recent changes in the law. The present Government's wish that voluntary arrangements between employers and trade unions will eventuate to cover worker participation seems less than pragmatic, since employers, unions and the Government itself differ so fundamentally upon what constitutes worker participation, and the forms it might take.


2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Pulignano

This paper argues that the Berlusconi government is seeking to replace the ‘social concertation’ arrangement between government and trade unions with ‘social dialogue’ in an effort to undermine trade union ‘power’. This endeavour by the government to impose a policy of ‘social dialogue’ would severely limit trade unions' influence in economic and social policy decision-making and leave Berlusconi free to introduce reforms favouring his friends in employer organisations. One likely outcome would be the deregulation of the Italian labour market strongly damaging workers' rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tobias Nowak

The case of the Working Time Directive (WTD) is a prime example of a failed attempt by the Member States and the Commission to counter rulings of the European Court of Justice (CJEU) by legislative overrule. Outsourcing the decision making process to the social partners also did not deliver the desired results. After years of trying to reform the WTD, the Commission changed its strategy and issued an interpretive communication instead. However, it is doubtful that this communication will solve all that is wrong with the WTD. What were the obstacles to legislative overrule in this case? What other strategies in avoiding the consequences of CJEU rulings do the Member States apply? What will the future of WTD look like?


2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Valdés Dal-Ré

The level of part-time employment in Spain tripled during the period 1984–93. The increased prevalence of part-time work reflected an employment policy during that period and beyond that aimed to establish maximum flexibility in the use of fixed-term contracts, whether fulltime or part-time. Part-time work was, and still is, to some extent, associated with a high degree of employment-related precariousness. This article examines the successive and not always consistent measures which since April 1994 have been adopted by the social partners and the government in order to improve the quality and security of part-time work. It assesses to what extent these measures have achieved their objectives.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaakko Kiander ◽  
Pekka Sauramo ◽  
Hannu Tanninen

This article deals with Finnish incomes policy as a special type of political exchange between the social partners and the government. The continuity of this political exchange requires a common ground of values and trust. In the article, these prerequisites are characterized in terms of the concept of social capital. The article also emphasizes the importance of centrally negotiated incomes policy agreements as an important institutional framework within which the Finnish welfare state has evolved. Owing to the traditionally close relationship between centrally negotiated incomes policy agreements and welfare reforms, the end of centrally negotiated incomes policy agreements declared by one social partner – namely, the Confederation of Finnish Industries – is likely to affect not only the manner in which wages are negotiated in the future but also the tradition of political exchange between the social partners and the government. Cet article traite de la politique finlandaise des revenus comme d’un type particulier d’échange politique entre les partenaires sociaux et le gouvernement. La continuité de cet échange politique requiert une base commune de valeurs et de confiance. Dans cet article, ces conditions préalables sont caractérisées en recourant au concept de capital social. L'article souligne également l’importance de la négociation centralisée des accords sur la politique des revenus, en tant que cadre institutionnel important dans lequel se poursuit l’évolution de l’État-providence finlandais. En raison de la relation traditionnellement étroite entre les accords de politique des revenus issus d'une négociation centralisée, d’une part, et les réformes de l’État-providence, d’autre part, la fin de ces accords de politique des revenus issus d’une négociation centralisée, proclamée par un partenaire social – la Confédération des industries finlandaises –, devait affecter non seulement la manière dont les salaires seront négociés dans l’avenir, mais aussi la tradition de l’échange politique entre partenaires sociaux et gouvernement. Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit der finnischen Lohn- und Gehaltspolitik, die auf einer besonderen Form des politischen Austausches zwischen den Sozialpartnern und der Regierung beruht. Die Konti-nuität dieses politischen Austausches setzt eine Basis gemeinsamer Werte und des Vertrauens voraus, die wir als “Sozialkapital” bezeichnen. Ferner wird darauf hingewiesen, dass die zentral ausgehandelten Abkommen über die Lohn- und Gehaltspolitik einen wichtigen institutionellen Rahmen bilden, in dem sich der finnische Wohlfahrtsstaat entwickelt hat. Traditionell besteht in Finnland eine enge Beziehung zwischen zentral ausgehandelten Lohnabkommen und sozialen Reformen. Die Erklärung eines Sozialpartners – des finnischen Arbeitgeberverbands – keine zentralen Lohnabkommen mehr auszuhandeln, wird somit nicht nur einen Einfluss auf die Lohnverhandlungsmodalitäten haben, sondern auch auf die Tradition des politischen Austausches zwischen den Sozialpartnern und der Regierung.


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